Friday, May 10, 2024

Election

2023 Elections: A Street Robbery

If you can relate with the kind of mood you’d meet when on a visit to a street that had just experienced a robbery of a very violent dimension, then you may be able to connect with the atmosphere of gloom that descended on the country at the pronouncement of Mr. Bola Tinubu as (s)elected president of the country. The Nigerian people felt cheated, and robbed.

But needless to say, the street was indeed robbed — it was violently dispossessed of its hard-earned democratic right to choose for itself, a leader: votes were stolen at polling units and collation centers, ballot boxes were snatched, voters were intimidated, electorates and electoral officials were bought, the polling units did not only become a theater of war, it was equally drowned in blood: votes generally did not count. The street had been robbed of the right to free and fair elections.

The 2023 elections were no doubt the usual tales of sorrow, tears, and blood: the sad triumph of impunity and money politics over the democratic will of over 200 million people.

Whereas voters turnout at every election cycle since 2003 has decreased progressively, the recent polls had an unprecedented number of first-time voters who are largely very young people — those you will categorize as the children of Democracy aka Gen Zs. It was a generation that had been forged in the furnace of one of the biggest youth rebellions in recent history: the EndSARS rebellion.

Sadly, the EndSARS generation may be the last generation of Nigerians who will hold any manner of confidence in Nigeria’s electoral system due to the inability of the electoral umpire to manage the high expectations ignorantly reposed on it by the millions of this young, and highly enthusiastic voters. Whatsoever illusions anyone may have left in Nigeria’s so-called democracy, the charade conducted in 2023 may have successfully shattered such illusions.

While Bola Tinubu’s party, the ruling APC used money, and all instrumentalities of the state to suppress voters, and steal votes, the so-called front-runners — Atiku Abubakar’s PDP, and Peter Obi’s Labour Party weren’t any different. The duo equally stole votes, and repressed voters at their respective strongholds. Sadly, this is how Nigeria’s ruling class have conducted themselves every election year. This accounts for the steady decline of voter turnout at every election cycle. The loss of confidence in the system continues to increase exponentially.

At the just concluded Presidential polls, only 27% of the over 87 million eligible voters — voters with PVCs, turned out to vote. Also instructive is the fact that the supposed winner of the (s)election, Bola Tinubu, was able to secure only about 8.2 million votes, representing a very small percentage of 10.08% of the total number of eligible voters.

In all, a huge population of over 63.1 million eligible voters completely boycotted the elections. This is in addition to over 100 million Nigerians who did not even register to vote at all. Generally, Bola Tinubu’s government will be presiding over a country where over 170 million people have handed his administration a vote of no confidence even before it began.

And for such infamous administration starting off on a note of illegitimacy, and mass rejection even in the midst of daunting economic crises capable of pitching even a relatively popular Government against its people, he will in the coming period be left with the option of two extreme choices if he must hold onto his Government which by the way may have failed even before it began: an option of granting huge political and economic concession to the already discontented and disillusioned majority, or the use of brute force to suppress dissent and keep his unpopular regime in power. This in fact is the fate that awaits any government that emerges from the 2023 charade. For Bola Tinubu of the APC, which will it be? Your guess is as good as mine.

The coming days will no doubt be challenging and highly tumultuous. As such, we must do away with all manner of needless divisive narratives targeted at dividing us along ethnic lines. It is in the interest of the ruling class of all political divides to keep us isolated from one another through religion and ethnicity. We must not allow for these distractions. Only as a united front can we pose a formidable challenge to the looming danger the Presidency of Bola Tinubu and APC represents to the ordinary and suffering people of Nigeria.

Military Takeovers A Reminder Of Africa’s Ailing Ballot Democracies

On February 12, most of Ghana woke up to the news that one Oliver Barker-Vormawor, a figurehead of one of the West African country’s most significant protest movements, had been arrested.

His crime? A scathing post on social media that criticized the government while recklessly proffering support for a coup. It earned him a questionable treason felony charge.

His call for a coup came against the backdrop of rising costs of living in Ghana and the government’s attempts to compound this with unpopular tax measures being opposed by the masses.

Amid the tensile political climate in West Africa, where Mali, Guinea and most recently, Burkina Faso, witnessed the overthrow of governments, Barker-Vormawor’s comments have been described as unwise.

But his sentiment cut to the core of the disease festering across parts of Africa, of which coups are a mere symptom.

Ewald Garr, a governance analyst, bored this down to broken democracies run by a political class that is out of touch with its people.

“When there is unresponsiveness, you see people begin to lose trust in their elected leaders and once people begin to lose trust in the elected leaders, you see frustration and despondency,” he explained.

He noted that the disease we should be looking to cure is the broken perception of good governance across the continent.

“All these things [coups] are arising is because our institutions are not well composed. Our governance system is just weak,” he said.

The simple diagnosis of the problem is matched by the casual air surrounding the recent military takeovers.

Take for instance the Burkina Faso coup, where military officers appeared on state television and announced the military overthrow like it was a weather report.

But for the people, who had been fading in a drought of despair, the announcement of a coup was like a forecast of rain. It brought joy.

This has played out in Mali and Guinea over the last two years, as well as beyond West Africa in Chad and Sudan.

The specific contexts of the coups have differed in each country, with alarming insecurity being cited by coup leaders in Burkina Faso and Mali, amid the threat from jihadists.

But there have been some constants that cut across, foremost among them economic hardships, inequality and a lack of empathy by the ruling class.

Even more worrying is the fact that these constants are ripe in countries that are hailed as beacons of democracy, like Ghana.

For Dr. Afua Yakohene, a research fellow at the Legon Center for International Affairs and Diplomacy, it is clear that “all the conditions that called for coups in Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali are right here in Ghana.”

It has also been hard to ignore the fact that these coups were met with overwhelming approval from their mostly-youthful populations.

Consider the situation in Mali, where thousands have rallied in support of the junta after sanctions meted out on the West African country.

Dr. Yakohene observed that these countries have “frustrated masses; a large youth bulge that is unemployed.”

These people are most likely frustrated by the “lack of dividends that they hoped democracy would deliver,” she added.

Settling For Elections

The bar for democracy has been noticeably lowered for African countries. 

It is increasingly being equated to relatively incident-free elections with no scrutiny of what happens in between polls.

A ballot cast in an election
The worth of Africa’s democracies has been reduced to the conduct of elections. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

But Dr. Yakohene stressed that “the holding of periodic elections is just the tip of what democratic states must be.”

“Many west African citizens even have come to not appreciate elections, so there is voter apathy and there is low turnout during elections.”

This could be traced back to the end of the Cold War and the fall of the iron curtain.

With the victory of the West over the Eastern Bloc, the idea of democracy became a necessary benchmark for countries seeking aid and development.

“It gradually pushed many African countries to adopt the policies of democracy,” Dr. Yakohene recalled. “Some leaders realized that if you need loans, and you need aid, and you want to satisfy the expectations of the western leaders, hold elections.”

These elections can be nothing more than ticked boxes because West Africa has witnessed a number of situations where political power has almost become a birthright.

Consider the example of Togo, where Gnassingbé Eyadéma was President from 1967 until his death in 2005, after which he was succeeded by his son, Faure Gnassingbé. Yet, Togo claims to be a democracy.

Dr. Yakohene described this as a form of “autocracy and monarch-cracy” that was cultivated out of the West’s insistence on the adoption of democracy, however superficial.

This very international community is often silent when there is clear evidence that democracy is subtly being undermined, with arbitrary amendments to term limits or voter suppression. But it sounds an alarm when coups occur.

The same could be said about regional bodies like the 15-member Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which also turns a blind eye to abuses of power and democracy by its own members.

The community’s chair, Ghana’s President Akufo-Addo, has himself faced criticism for attacks on free speech and voter suppression following Ghana’s bloodiest polls in 2020.

Nana Akufo-Addo delivering a speech
Ghana’s President Akufo-Addo has been the Chair of ECOWAS since September 2020. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

ECOWAS has been instead known to spring to action and propose sanctions when it should rather be in a lab working to find a cure for the disease spawning these coups.

This cure lies simply in committing to the basic tenets of democracy, said Mr. Garr.

“What ECOWAS should be doing is having strong institutions that are able to diagnose the poor governance.”

He doesn’t think the continent has been learning from mistakes that date back to the ‘60s, where there were 26 successful coups on the continent in the wake of independence movements.

Mr. Garr is of the view that some re-orientation and a stronger commitment to engaging citizens in the process of governance is the most important step to finding a cure for the conditions that birth coups.

“It is the lack of transparency and the lack of the basic tenets of democracy in our countries that is steering all these coups we are seeing,” said the analyst.

As simple as the solution sounds, there is a clear lack of accountability and lack of political will across the continent that gives Mr. Garr little cause for hope.

“As a continent, we have a very long way to go because most African countries still can’t see the importance of good governance,” he says. “They only see elections.”

Intimidation, Machete Violence Reported As Polls Open In Zambia

Voting starts today (Thursday) in Zambia in a tightly contested election between incumbent Patriotic Front (PF) candidate Edgar Lungu and main challenger Hakainde Hichilema.

Allegations of vote fraud and intimidation of supporters have been raised by Hichilema’s United Party for National Development (UPND) after reports of violence in the capital Lusaka between supporters of the two main parties.

Two PF supporters were last Friday hacked to death with machetes by attackers suspected to be from the UNDP, police said.

A Lusaka resident Kelvin Musunga yesterday told Ubuntu Times that the security situation stabilized after president Lungu deployed the army to help police quell pre-election violence.

“So far the situation is calm and stable. Soldiers and police have been in the streets. During the campaign period, we had reports of violence and police arresting suspects. They have been doing a good job ensuring there is peace.”

“However, some houses were burnt, and to maintain peace, I think people should not wear political regalia with their preferred candidates,” said Musunga.

UPND supporters
UPND supporters hope for change and expect Hichilema to win the presidency. Credit: Kelvin Musunga

Another citizen working in Kitwe only identified as Paul said “it is very peaceful here.”

The elections come as Zambia has a US$12 billion dollar external debt and becoming the first African country to default loan repayment during the COVID-19 pandemic. Lungu’s government has managed to embark on infrastructure projects but has failed to manage the economic welfare of citizens followed by a depreciating Kwacha currency.

Added Musunga: “Under the ruling party, the currency Kwacha has depreciated and it has been difficult for Zambians to buy basic commodities. The PF has developed roads and infrastructure but the cost of living has been high and we do not know what the ruling party will do if they get back in office.”

“Many youths are not happy with the ruling party and are hoping for a new government. Most of the youths are really looking forward to change in the country.”

Violent 2023 Polls In The Offing In Zimbabwe

Harare, Zimbabwe — There are mounting fears of violent 2023 elections after government on Tuesday announced the return of the notorious National Youth Service dubbed the ‘Green Bombers’.

The militia that made up Zimbabwe’s so-called Green Bombers, was two decades ago famed for violent election campaigns and killings during the reign of former President Robert Mugabe.

Taking to Twitter on Tuesday, Nick Mangwana, Zimbabwe’s Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Information, said ‘Cabinet has approved the re-establishment of the National Youth Service Programme.’

Claris Madhuku, a pro-democracy activist in Zimbabwe said the moves to bring back the country’s controversial National Youth Service program, ‘sparks fears that the ruling Zanu-PF may be plotting a bloody general election in 2023.’

Dubbed the Green Bombers known for the green military fatigue donned by the youths, the National Youth Service was founded by the late Zimbabwean Minister of Youth, Border Gezi in the year 2000.

Also known as the Border Gezi Youth Training, the program has served as a platform for the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) to indoctrinate youths and use them to unleash terror against opposition members often during elections.

Youths conscripted into the National Youth Service back in the 2000 to 2008, stand accused of committing some of the most heinous crimes during the reign of late former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe.

Zimbabwe’s Minister of Information Monica Mutsvangwa hailed the revival of the country’s National Youth Service program, saying it was “crucial in nurturing young people into becoming responsible and resilient citizens with a clear sense of national identity and respect for national values.”

Mutsvangwa also said youths graduating from the National Youth Service “will qualify for further training, assistance in starting businesses, and for enrollment for careers in the police, the army, the air force, nursing, and teaching, among others.”

But the country’s opposition Movement for Democratic Change see only evil about the initiative.

“The desperate regime presses yet another disparate note of discontent. They want violence in 2023. They want another genocide in Zimbabwe. They have an itch that needs scratching. Shame on them and their false gods,” said MDC Alliance Vice President Tendai Biti on Twitter.

Uganda Elections: Bobi Wine Withdraws Election Petition Against Museveni

Uganda’s youthful musician turned opposition politician, Robert Kyagulanyi has ended his long shot suit aiming to overturn President Yoweri  Museveni’s disputed victory in the January 14 election, clearing the way for the long-serving leader to extend his 35-year rule.

Kyagulanyi, known by his stage name Bobi Wine blamed judges on the 9-man panel of bias and said he would now refer the matter to the court of “public opinion” setting the stage for a possible repeat of raucous street protests.

“We have decided to withdraw our petition from court because it’s clear that the courts are not independent, these people are working for Mr. Museveni,” he told a cheering crowd of supporters in the yard of his party offices, in the slums of Kamwokya.

Wine in his application to withdraw the petition listed several reasons including court rejecting amendment to his petition, arrest of his key witnesses, and alleged bias in the court towards Museveni, who has ruled Uganda since 1986.

The decision marked a tantalizing end for the suit, which was poised to be a stern test for judicial independence in this east African nation. Across Africa, fewer courts have overturned elections although Kenya’s Supreme Court came up with a stunning ruling four years ago, reversing the 2017 election win of President Uhuru Kenyatta.  

Oscar Kihika, one of Museveni’s lawyers said that Wine would have to pay all the expenses his client had spent on the petition.

Last month, Wine through his lawyers, filed the petition seeking to nullify the election that saw Museveni win a sixth term with 58 percent of the votes and Wine just 35%.

Museveni, the electoral commission, and the Attorney-General filed their 185 affidavits in response to the 53 grounds that the National Unity Platform legal team had raised to prove that the election was rigged, and wasn’t free and fair. 

Wine continues to call upon Ugandans to reject the results of the controversial election in which dozens of opposition party members and supporters were killed and arrested. The elections were further plagued with voter intimidation and heavy military deployment in several districts that were opposition strongholds. Wine was put under de facto house arrest for 12 days after the election and later released on court order. 

Election monitoring was further complicated by the denial of accreditation to European Union observers and members of the United States observer mission.

Internet access was blocked across the country on the eve of elections and restored on Jan. 18 however access to social media sites like Facebook remains restricted and can only be accessed using Virtual Private Networks.

“A democratic playing field for free and fair elections was worryingly absent during elections,” said Oryem Nyeko, Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The Ugandan government should take concrete steps to improve respect for human rights for all and remove all remaining restrictions.”

But Museveni continues to laud the elections as the most “free and fair” poll Uganda has ever had. “This was one of the most cheating free elections since 1962,” he said in January just after election results were certified by the National Electoral Commission. “I thank the 57% of Uganda’s 18 million registered voters that participated in the election.”

New White Paper Raises Alarm Over Tanzania’s Presidential Campaigns

Dar es Salaam, October 8 — Tanzania’s ruling party—Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the government have come under strong criticism for allegedly attacking citizens’ rights and processes necessary to ensure a free and fair election.

A 27-page document titled: “A stacked deck; opposing Tanzania’s descent into autocracy” issued by Robert Amsterdam, the founder of the U.S-based International law firm—Amsterdam & Partners, documents a series of human rights abuses and strongly criticized Tanzania’s authorities for intimidating and persecuting members of the opposition.

“Citizens must not sit idly while their rights, hopes, and dreams are eviscerated by a political party determined to stay in power at any cost,” warned the White Paper in its preamble.

Unlawful Disqualifications

The paper also accused the National Electoral Commission (NEC) of unlawfully disqualifying hundreds of opposition political candidates.

The new document was published days after Tanzania electoral body suspended the campaigns of the leading opposition presidential candidate, Tundu Lissu for seven days ostensibly for inciting violence in one of his campaign meetings, in what critics say an attempt to thwart his growing political influence.

“This orchestrated rough justice is yet another proof of a discredited NEC and compromised electoral system,” said Lissu.

Lissu has been subjected to police intimidation. For example, his convoy was blocked two days ago by heavily armed police officers for nine hours—preventing him from attending an internal party meeting in the coast region.

“After nine hours standoff with the police on the Morogoro highway, the police have blinked first. They’ve lifted the illegal blockade our right to meet freely with our members has been vindicated,” Lissu tweeted.

Lissu rallies have also been subjected to teargas attacks and frequent police intimidation, observers said

Rough Justice

The 52-year-old human rights lawyer, who is running on the ticket of Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) is a fierce critic of the incumbent President John Magufuli—who’s seeking re-election for his second and final term in office.

Lissu, who returned on July 20th after three years in exile in Belgium, survived a brazen assassination attempt in which unknown assailants shot him 16 times.

Police Violence

According to the White Paper, members of the opposition have also been charged for sedition, incitement to violence, or for holding rally the police deem illegal.

As the general election is drawing near, the document states, fears are mounting for Tanzania’s main opposition party about the status of its poll agents and their ability to monitor polling stations as required by law.

The White Paper urged President Magufuli and the country’s electoral body to respect the will of the people by ensuring that CHADEMA’s polling agents are permitted to observe polling stations as required by the law.

It warns NEC to immediately approve opposition parliamentary and councillorship candidates who were disqualified on baseless grounds and have since been waiting for a dragging appeal process.

Fabricated Lies

The document, which CCM’s party ideology publicity Secretary, Humphrey Polepole, dismissed as fabricated lies, suggests the October polls stand little chance of being free and fair.

The document calls on the international community to demand proper monitoring of the polls and to consider tougher measures against individuals it accuses of violating human rights and basic freedoms.

As the country is verging to the polls, opposition leaders say the government is using every trick to sabotage the opposition.

Misleading Impression

Zitto Kabwe the leader of ACT-Wazalendo party said the presidential candidates from little-known parties are stooges put by CCM to create the misleading impression that democracy is growing.

Meanwhile, Jim Risch, chairman of the U.S Senate Foreign Relations Committee has said the growing trend of opposition parties and the media repression ahead of the polls highlight flawed elections and the country’s eroded democratic principles.

“Suspending the leading opposition candidate’s presidential campaign on bogus charges raises serious questions about the independence of Tanzania’s electoral commission,” he said in a statement.

Tanzania’s Opposition Presidential Candidate Intimidated As Tension Rise Ahead Of Polls

Dar es Salaam, Tanzania — The convoys of Tanzania’s opposition presidential candidate and his running mate were on different occasion subjected to a hail of teargas canisters and live ammunition this week as police attempted to disperse huge crowds of people who wanted to listen to the man who survived a brazen assassination attempt in 2017 in which he was shot 16 times.

The first incident happened at Nyamongo—a mining village in northern Mara region when Tundu Lissu, the opposition presidential candidate on the ticket of Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) was about to make a brief stop-over to greet his supporters when the police started firing indiscriminately in the air after a verbal confrontation with CHADEMA security detail.

“Our convoy has been subjected to a massive teargas attack by the Police… in an attempt to block our route heading to our campaign meeting,” said Lissu adding that “Our supporters have equally been bitterly caned and hurt. Let them bomb us and shoot us, but we shall never back down.”

Unbowed and Defiant

Surprisingly as teargas smoke belched, Lissu’s supporters remained unprovoked, chanting his campaign slogans while pushing the police vehicles out of the way so that they could hear their hero roaring.

Media sources said the confrontation started shortly after Lissu and his team inadvertently took a wrong route to a scheduled campaign rally contrary to what they had previously agreed with the local police, forcing police officers who were escorting the convoy to withdraw their escort.

Police Beatings

Video footages show scores of CHADEMA’s supporters including motorcycle riders had been injured after they were brutally caned by the riot police officers.

“I was just passing by when the police van blocked the road and the officers started to attack me heavily with batons,” said Mwita Chacha who sustained injuries and had his motorcycle destroyed.

“Why should police threaten a presidential candidate with bullets and tear gas,” Queried Ansbert Ngurumo an independent journalist and fierce critic of the Tanzanian regime.

Despite the confrontation, the presidential candidate was able to make his speech before heading to the northern Serengeti area where he spent a night.

Speaking in Serengeti, Lissu strongly condemned the police attempt to disrupt his rallies.

Running Mate in Trouble

Meanwhile the convoy of his running mate, Salum Mwalimu was teargassed by the police in the eastern Ifakara village, ostensibly to disperse throngs of supporters as he tried to greet residents who had gathered for a rally expected to be addressed by the opposition’s councillorship candidate.

Tanzania will hold its highly anticipated election on October 28. President John Magufuli, who seeks re-election on the ticket of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) is facing strong opposition from Lissu of CHADEMA.

Independent Commission

Members of the opposition in the east African country have relentlessly been calling for the formation of an independent electoral commission— expressing fears the elections would probably take place in a climate of violence and intimidation.

Under the current setting, critics say the National Electoral Commission (NEC) is not independent since its commissioners are all appointed by the president.

For instance, in total disregard of the rule of law and principles of impartiality, NEC’s Director of Elections, Wilson Mahera has reportedly warned supporters of the opposition that they will see more police violence, bombing, and teargassing.

His remarks have infuriated the opposition.

“Threatening people with teargas for expressing their political opinions is no one’s idea of impartiality or rule of law. I simply confirm that we are watching and recording your intimidation or your own people on behalf of CCM,” said Robert Amsterdam a renowned international lawyer who represents Lissu.

Political Repression

Since coming to power in 2015, President Magufuli has presided over a quick decline of Tanzania’s democratic space. He has banned rallies, muzzled the press, cowed and co-opted independent institutions, harassed political opponents and dissenters.

Despite facing crippling huddles over the last five years, Tanzania opposition is proving resilient and still able to galvanize massive public support in what Lissu explains as strong grassroots support that was energized when political activities were banned.

While the opposition presidential candidate and his supporters are subjected to police brutality and intimidate, critics say their counterpart from CCM is campaigning freely and makes stop-overs to greet the people anywhere as he pleases.

“Nobody can stop us,” said Lissu amid thunderous applause from his supporters.

Ghana’s Main Opposition Party Sounds Alarm To International Community Ahead Of Elections

An election cycle has once again put Ghana’s democratic credentials under the spotlight as the main opposition party has questioned the commitment of the electoral management body to ensuring free and fair polls in December.

These concerns have compelled the opposition leader, John Mahama, to appeal to the international community and election observers “to focus their lenses on Ghana and arrive earlier in-country than ever before.”

He fears there is the “likelihood of continued greater challenges ahead of the election.”

Mr. Mahama, a former President, suspended his campaign tour to voice his concerns at a virtual press conference on Thursday, September 24.

His National Democratic Congress (NDC) has complained that the electoral process has been plagued with irregularities, the latest of which is the purported deletion of the names of registered voters in opposition strongholds.

“It is deeply troubling that the ongoing exhibition of the voters’ register has revealed significant omissions and in some other cases the deletion of the names of registered voters on a wide scale,” Mr. Mahama said.

The NDC has also consistently accused Ghana’s Electoral Commission of colluding with President Akufo-Addo and his New Patriotic Party (NPP) government to rig the 2020 general elections.

Mr. Mahama maintains that the controversial voter registration exercise in June and July was “characterized by bigotry and exclusion” perpetrated by the state security apparatus “which is now filled with vigilante elements loyal to the ruling NPP.”

Of concern to some observers will be Mr. Mahama’s continued insistence that he and his party “will not accept the result of a flawed election.”

The Electoral Commission has, however, denied the claims made against it by the opposition.

As far as it is concerned, its management of the electoral roll has been without blemish.

In a statement the commission released the night before Mr. Mahama spoke, it went on the defensive saying the opposition’s “allegations are unfounded.”

Provisional voter register
The NDC claims registered voters in its strongholds are being deleted from the provisional electoral roll. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

The commission remains confident that it “will bequeath the nation with a Register that reflects truth and integrity, a Register that is credible and comprises eligible Ghanaians only.”

Friction between the opposition party and Electoral Commission are almost rites of passage in a typical election year. Ghana’s eighth straight election since the last military government has been no different.

These frictions normally revolve around contentions over the credibility of the voter register.

Ahead of the 2016 election, President Akufo-Addo’s NPP, then an opposition party, called for the compilation of a new voter register, describing the existing one as lacking credibility because it allegedly contained foreigners.

Current Vice President Mahamadu Bawumia famously alleged at the time that there were more than 76,000 Togolese nationals illegally registered in Ghana to vote.

Now in power, the governing NPP maintains that Ghana is on the path to free and fair polls despite all the allegations.

A day before Mr. Mahama and the NDC conveyed their anxieties to the international community, President Akufo-Addo had used his address to the UN General Assembly to assure the world that Ghana’s election “will be transparent, free, fair, safe and credible.”

With the eyes of the world on him, President Akufo-Addo said he was looking forward to the December polls “passing off peacefully, with characteristic Ghanaian dignity.”

Tanzania Tightens Media, Rights Repressions Ahead Of Polls

Dar es Salaam — Tanzania authorities have tightened restrictions on the media, political opposition, and organizations working to promote human rights—ushering in a climate of fear ahead of the October 28 general elections.

International advocacy group, the Human Rights Watch has released a chorus of criticism, accusing Tanzania government of repeatedly intimidating opposition politicians, and banning newspapers deemed critical, denying human rights groups the right to provide civic education and elections monitoring while blackmailing independent journalists from reporting the COVID-19 crisis.

Repressive Laws

Since coming to power in 2015, the government under President John Magufuli, has enacted and enforced tougher laws that campaigners say stifle civil liberties and basic rights to expression and association.

Such laws including the Cyber-crime Act of 2015 which severely restrict online communications, and effectively criminalizing social media content critical of the government.

The government has also toughened the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, ostensibly to punish online users who publish content likely to violate public order, or those organizing demonstrations, or promoting hatred or racism.

Oryem Nyeko, African researcher at Human Rights Watch said Tanzania’s government move to repress civil liberties, raise doubts about the elections being free and fair.

“All of the actions that the government has taken, affect conditions for a fair electoral playing field,” Nyeko said.

For the elections to be free and fair, he added, Tanzania’s authorities should allow political opposition to express their views and rights group and the media to work freely.

Since June Tanzania police have repeatedly arrested members of the opposition, critics, and activists, charging them with offenses such as “unlawful assembly” and “endangering peace”, the rights group said.

The government has also adopted tougher regulations officially banning local TV and Radio stations from airing foreign-produced contents without approval.

Independent Voice Blackmail

Early in July, Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA)—the state-run communications watchdog banned Kwanza TV, an online television station for allegedly airing a biased report on COVID-19.

Campaigners accuse the government of intimidating independent journalists, forcing them to refrain from covering the opposition’s campaign rallies notably the main opposition party Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), whose Presidential candidate, Tundu Lissu miraculously survived a politically-motivated assassination attempt in which he was shot 16 times in 2017.

“Citizens must not sit idly while their hopes, dreams, and rights are eviscerated by a political party determined to stay in power at any cost,” tweeted Robert Amsterdam, an international lawyer representing Lissu.

Electoral Observation

Meanwhile, the Tanzania’s National Electoral Commission (NEC), has banned key advocacy groups including the Tanzania Human Rights Defender Coalition (THRDC) from providing voters’ education ahead of the election.

Onesmo Ole Ngurumwa, THRDC, National Coordinator believes the move is irrational and out of fear, given their solid track record to carry out their duties professionally and objectively.

“More active NGOs have been excluded because of this fear” Ole Ngurumwa told Ubuntu Times.

Ole Ngurumwa, who was briefly arrested last month for failure to submit THRDC agreements with its donors, said the organization has suspended its operations after authorities froze its bank accounts, pending investigation on alleged money laundering.

Ghanaians In The Diaspora Are Tired Of Being Disenfranchised During Elections

Most Ghanaians in the diaspora are again set to miss out on the right to choose their representatives in the Legislature as well as the man who governs the land.

Though the Representation of the People Amendment Act (ROPAA) was passed way back in 2006 to allow them to register and vote outside Ghana, there has been no progress in implementing the law.

Indications from Ghana’s Parliament and the Electoral Commission of Ghana are that implementing this amendment will not be possible in 2020 despite being budgeted for.

According to Ghana’s Diaspora Affairs Bureau, there are an estimated 1.7 million Ghanaians abroad in at least 53 countries around the world. Some other figures point to 3 million Ghanaians residing abroad.

Concerns about their participation in the electoral process were heightened first because of the border closure brought on by the novel coronavirus and then the Electoral Commission’s unpopular decision to compile a new electoral roll in the midst of the pandemic.

The border closure meant the number of Ghanaians outside the country was much higher and there was a bigger spotlight on them. Citizens who would have otherwise been able to sidestep the non-implementation of ROPAA to return home and register to vote no longer had that option.

The government had been organizing return flights which the stranded Ghanaians were to pay for many of them did not arrive in time to meet the August 9 deadline. Some like Kingsley Dunyo, a businessman, was in Ghana during the tail end of the registration but stuck in a mandatory 14-day quarantine.

Kingsley had been stranded for five months in South Africa during which time he led cries for state intervention. Though times were dire for him and his fellow stranded Ghanaians in South Africa bigger livelihood concerns abounded, they never lost sight of their right to vote.

Now back in Ghana, after incurring significant debt to pay for his trip and quarantine fees, Kingsley is clear in his mind Ghana’s Electoral Commission is “disenfranchising a lot of people who could not make it back.”

Though the government is eyeing September 1 as a date to reopen borders, it may not make much of difference, Kingsley fears.

“I don’t see how it will be possible for the EC to say it is reopening registration centers for other people who are stuck there and waiting for the borders to be opened,” he said to Ubuntu Times.

The stranded Ghanaians aside, ROPAA was expected to benefit Ghanaians resident abroad for school, work and other business. They would not have to incur extra costs to travel to Ghana just to cast a ballot.

Ghana’s laws, before ROPAA, only allowed for citizens abroad working in Ghana’s diplomatic missions, persons working with international organizations of which Ghana is a member and students on government scholarships to be registered.

When the government made the expected request for such specific classes of Ghanaians to make their personal details available for registration purposes, other classes of Ghanaians in the diaspora felt salt was being poured in their wounds.

Richard Sky, a journalist currently in England working his way to the Bar, is the coordinator of a group pushing for the implementation of ROPAA. The group, known as aRTICLE 42 (which’s name references the section of Ghana’s constitution outlining the Right to Vote), petitioned the Electoral Commission on the concerns of Ghanaians abroad in June.

But it is yet to formally get a response from the commission to Sky’s chagrin. The perceived lack of urgency from the electoral body has also been a major concern.

“It is entirely unacceptable and does not meet the standards of public accountability that an institution of that kind must be living up to,” he said to Ubuntu Times. “The EC [Electoral Commission] does not seem to be in any haste whatsoever to ensure that qualified Ghanaians living or staying abroad are registered to vote in December 2020 and beyond.”

As a journalist, the hallways of Ghana’s Parliament were Sky’s hunting ground and he has always strived to hold legislators accountable. Even thousands of miles away, things are no different.

Ghana's legislature
Ghana’s Parliament has been criticized for lacking urgency in ensuring the implementation of ROPAA. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

The Electoral Commission, when queried by the press on its shortcomings, reminded that it has presented some subsidiary legislation on the ROPAA implementation to the relevant committee in Parliament. However, attempts to pass the buck by the commission were met with scorn by an MP reviewing the legislation. He told the press the commission was being “deceitful”.

The back and forth notwithstanding, these pre-laying processes for legislation are more matters of practice and not necessarily requirements of law though there is valuable guidance on offer from legislative committees.

In Sky’s experience, these committee processes are “prone to possible abuse.” They can also be used “to frustrate any subsidiary legislation that both sides are minded, for whatever reason, not to want to see the light of day.”

Unsurprisingly, with the ambitions in the legal world Sky has, seeking legal redress remains an option for him and his group. He lauds the firmness of the judiciary in Ghana which has kept an eye on the case and already ruled in favor of some Ghanaians resident in the USA who sued in 2017 to compel the commission to operationalize ROPAA.

“The earlier they [the Electoral Commission] begin to show respect and deference to our courts by giving full effect to the provisions of the ROPAA, the better it will be for our democracy,” Sky remarked.

The problem though is that the courts really cannot stipulate how the Electoral Commission implements the law given the need to put in place detailed safeguards that will ensure the integrity of the electoral roll.

The courts gave the commission a one-year ultimatum to operationalize ROPAA in its ruling in December 2017. What has followed has been appeals for an extension and cries for contempt charges.

The lack of progress despite legal redress brings to bear wider failings in Ghanaian governance for some observers like Nii Kotei Nikoi, an Assistant Professor at the College of Wooster in the USA. He too will be bearing the tag of the disenfranchised.

Nii Kotei points straight at the elephant in the room; the lack of political will. This point becomes starker when one considers the extent to which the government went to ensure there was a new register for the 2020 polls.

“You think about how there was so much political will in pushing for a voter registration that was so unpopular… and to do that in the midst of a pandemic,” Nii Kotei noted to Ubuntu Times.

With his work and schooling commitments in the USA, Nii Kotei has been based abroad and fits the profile of the Ghanaian in the diaspora meant to benefit from the ROPAA.

These Ghanaians do not only contribute to nation-building with much-touted remittances but have been “contributing culturally and socially as well,” Nii Kotei reminds. The non-implementation of ROPAA is thus an unacceptable outcome for him.

But whilst people like Sky affirm the role of the courts in holding Ghana’s Electoral Commission in check, Nii Kotei operates with more skepticism.

He maintains that the courts and Ghana’s “cumbersome” judicial system must not be the only mechanism for which we kind of demand accountability from the commission. In his view, more citizen action is the next step.

“We need to have some kind of social movement that is putting some kind of public pressure on these government institutions to implement the process.”

Landslide Victory For Opposition In Malawi’s Presidential Polls Re-run

Blantyre, June 28 — The opposition party has won fresh presidential election in Malawi, with a promise to root out corruption, describing it as the ‘biggest disease’ Malawi has ever had.

Lazarus Chakwera has become the 6th president of the country and the first to defeat a sitting president. His party, Malawi Congress Party (MCP) went to polls in alliance with the Vice President’s United Transformation Movement (UTM). One of their famous slogans has been a promise to Malawians to have ‘three meals a day.’

The opposition, Malawi Congress party has scored about 2.6 million votes against the ruling Democratic Progressive Party’s 1.7 million votes.

Last year, Malawian courts became the second in Africa, after Kenya, to quash the results of a presidential election and said the process was marred with ‘grave irregularities.’ The court also changed electoral law for the country to adopt 50+1 from the previous first-pass-the-post.

Lazarus Chakwera, 65, is a former Pentecostal church leader. His Vice, Saulos Chilima, now 45, was an economist and successful corporate executive. He campaigned with president Peter Mutharika in 2014 before the two fell out. He was still the vice president of the country on the polling date.

Speaking during his swearing into office Sunday morning, the president said together with the Vice President accepts the challenge and task.

Malawi election winners
Supporters celebrate after the results are announced. Credit: Charles Pensulo / Ubuntu Times

“We will pursue it, not just as servants accountable to you voters, but as stewards of the hopes of millions of children, born and unborn, who have no vote. With your help, we will restore a new generation’s faith in the possibility of having a government that serves…,” Chakwera said to tens of thousands of supporters gathered at the event.

In an earlier interview, Eisenhower Mkaka, Secretary-General for the party described the victory as exciting considering that they have been in opposition for the past 26 years.

“It’s exciting specifically to me that I will go down in history as the secretary-general that brought the party into government. We have been going to people selling them our manifesto and agenda and we will deliver whatever we promised. Ending corruption is our priority because it has been the biggest disease destroying this nation. Oversight institutions like the Anti-Corruption Bureau will be empowered and mandated to work without interference.”

Sunduzwayo Mandise, the dean at the faculty of law at the University of Malawi and a commissioner for the Malawi Human Rights Commission commended the new electoral commission for holding a credible election.

“I think the new chairperson of the electoral commission has tried to ensure that all the legal processes are carried, from the distribution of materials to the announcements of the results,” he said. “The way they have dealt with complaints including on the narrow and void votes, all that seems to follow what court ordered so I think, so far, this election is the best in Malawi’s history of our elections; we are on the right track.”

But the outgoing president has described the fresh polls as the ‘worst in history’ citing intimidation and assault on their party monitors. He has not provided any proof to back the claims.

Tanzanian Opposition Leader Arrested As Crackdown Mounts Ahead Of October Polls

Dar es Salaam, June 24 — A prominent Tanzanian opposition leader, Zitto Kabwe, and seven members of his party have been arrested after the police accused them of holding unlawful political meeting, in what appears to be on-going repression of political activities ahead of the October general elections, his party said.

Kabwe and his colleagues spent a night in police custody and were being quizzed for organizing and taking part in “unlawful” assembly, during the party’s internal meeting in Kilwa District, Lindi Region south of Tanzania.

Dorothy, Semu, vice-chair of the Wazalendo Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT Wazalendo) — a fast-growing opposition party in Tanzania described the arrests as an act of “repression” and attempted “intimidation.”

“This is yet another naked attempt by the…government to intimidate and remove electoral competition, they are clearly quite fearful of,” she said in a statement.

The latest arrests come barely weeks after the leader of Tanzania’s main opposition party-CHADEMA, Freeman Mbowe, was assaulted by unknown assailants at his home in the capital city Dodoma.

President John Magufuli, who has launched his re-election bid for a second and final term, is widely perceived as an authoritarian leader.

Since he took office in November 2015, the state has enacted and enforced a number of repressive laws, thus bringing a chilling effect on the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, campaigners said.

In July 2016 the country’s civic space rapidly shrunk after the president announced a blanket ban on political activities until 2020.

The ban, which lawyers said has no legal basis, had been selectively instituted to restrict political activities of the opposition.

A month ago, Kabwe was found guilty for sedition and incitement, after the court indicted him for falsely claiming that about 100 people had been killed at his home region in 2018 on clashes involving herders and the police.

He was, however, acquitted on condition that he stops making statements deemed seditious for one year.

“Today’s events are a clear example of the police being used by the CCM party to stop legitimate activities of the opposition party and file trumped-up charges against leaders and members,” Temu said.

She urged the police force to discharge its duties impartially in accordance with the law by focussing on its core mandate of protecting people and their property.

“We stand in solidarity with our leader and colleagues and will do everything in our power to secure their release and acquittal,” she stressed.

A fortnight ago, the ACT-Wazalendo’s party chairman, Seif Sharif Hamad accused the government of abusing the country’s law enforcement organs, in favor of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party, thus casting doubt whether the forthcoming polls will be free and fair.

“We now call for the charges to be dropped completely. The arrests were unlawful and an attempt to disrupt the legitimate actions of a political party,” he said.

The government denied the allegations.

Last year, Tanzania’s parliament amended the Political Parties Act, ushering in a wide-ranging restriction on the right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly.

The amendments, among others, give the government’s appointed registrar of political parties sweeping powers to deregister parties, demand information from political parties, and suspend party members.

It also introduces a requirement for organizations and individuals to get approval before conducting civic education.

Amnesty International—a global charity campaigning for human rights said the latest arrests of Kabwe and his colleagues is part of a vicious trend to silence opposition leaders and government critics.

“Coming barely three months before Tanzania goes to the polls, these arrests are a calculated move to harass and intimidate the opposition and critics ahead of elections, restrict their human rights and limit their campaigning,” said Seif Magango, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

The charity condemned Tanzania’s authorities for intimidating the opposition urging them to respect human rights.

Malawians Cast Fresh Votes Following ‘Unprecedented’ Court Decision

Lilongwe, June 23 — Hundreds of thousands of Malawians turned up in polling stations across the country to vote for the next president of the country after the country’s courts annulled the results of the May 2019 election results.

Last year, Malawian courts became the second in Africa to quash the results of a presidential election and said the process was marred with ‘grave irregularities.’ The Kenyan Supreme Court annulled the county’s presidential election saying the polls were neither transparent nor verifiable.

The Malawian decision came as a surprise not least because, usually, it is unusual to have courts deciding against the ruling government and more so in Africa.  Political experts and scholars have since applauded the boldness of the judges.

There were a total of 9,271 polling stations across the country expected to cater for about 6 million voters who registered for the election. By 6:30 in the morning, Vice President for the country and running mate for the opposition, Tonse Alliance, had already turned up at a polling center in Lilongwe to vote.

Saulos Chilima switched his allegiance from the incumbent to the 65-year-old leader of the opposition and former Pentecostal church leader, Lazarus Chakwera. Together, they petitioned the court which eventually led to the overturning of the results.  They are running against President Peter Mutharika who teamed up with Atupele Muluzi, the son of former president Bakili Muluzi.

Although most centers registered no incidences, there have been few reported cases of people suspected of planning rigging schemes including 16 retired soldiers who were suspected of planning to disturb the voting process in the central district of Nkhotakota. They have since been arrested.

Chairman of the Malawi Electoral Commission, Justice Dr. Chifundo Kachale, told the media the commission is managing everything that all Malawians who registered to vote can be able to trust their vote.

“As voting progresses, the electoral commission wishes to appeal to the nation to continue to maintain peace and calm. We’ve deployed security personnel across the country and will like to remind everyone that any breach of the rules will be sanctioned with the law. We also want to urge all citizens to refrain from taking matters into their own hand in the event that they suspect something untoward or illegal,” he said.

The election comes at a time when the country is heavily divided along political and tribal lines mostly in support of leaders from their regions. There has also been a series of protests in the pro-opposition districts after last year’s polls favored the incumbent. Whoever wins the polls—which is expected to be announced within the next 7 days—will have to gain back the trust of all the people and fight corruption which most Malawians believe is rampant in the government.

Tanzanian Opposition Leader Suffers Broken Leg After Midnight Attack

Dar es Salaam, June 9 — The leader of Tanzania opposition in the parliament and national chairman of the country’s main opposition party Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), was on Tuesday brutally assaulted by unknown assailants shortly after arriving at his flat in the capital city Dodoma shortly after midnight, his party and the local police chief said.

Gires Muroto, Police commander in the administrative capital, Dodoma confirmed the incident and said security forces have launched an investigation against the crime but warned members of the public against using the incident for political gain.

“We are investigating this incident to find out the truth and bring to justice all those involved,” he told Ubuntu Times

According to Muroto, Mbowe, who is an elected legislator, was ambushed by three people, who beat him up and broke his right leg by twisting it.

“This is a criminal incident like any other, nobody should use it to peddle political gain with the aim to get popularity,” Muroto said.

However, local media reports suggest, the attackers wrestled Mbowe on the ground, dragged him, and severely beat him up before they vanished.

Mbowe, who along with other opposition MPs were found guilty for sedition in March,  jailed and made to pay a hefty fine to be released from prison, was rushed to a local hospital, and has now been airlifted to Dar es Salaam for further treatment, officials at his party said.

Before he was flown, Tanzania’s Prime Minister Kassim Majaliwa, Speaker of the parliament Job Ndugai and his deputy along with several legislators paid him a visit at the hospital to wish him well.

The incident, which happened ahead of the general election scheduled to take place on October 25, 2020, is a grim reminder of a daring assassination attempt against another opposition legislator and outspoken critic of President John Magufuli, Tundu Lissu who suffered multiple gunshot wounds on September 7, 2017, after unknown people sprinkled machine-gun fire on his parked Sports Utility Vehicle (SUV) at his home, leaving his body riddled with multiple life-threatening wounds.

The attack against Mbowe happened barely a day after Lissu, his deputy, currently living in exile in Europe officially declared interest to run for president in October polls, and aiming to use the democratic process to challenge the incumbent leader.

John Mnyika, the Secretary-General of CHADEMA told reporters in Dodoma that there’s every indication the assault against Mbowe is politically motivated since the assailants, allegedly mocked Mbowe, saying they wanted to “break him up” to see if he can participate in the campaign trail.

“Those who attacked Chairman Mbowe were saying some words, that you’re disturbing the government. They said we will not kill you. Though those people had firearms, they did not use them,” Mnyika said.

Tanzania, a nation of 57 million people has for a long time been perceived as a haven of peace for Africa’s most stable democracies. President Magufuli, whose first term in office comes to an end, is expected to be re-elected in the forthcoming polls on the ticket of Chama Cha Mapinduzi—a revolutionary party that has governed the country since its independence from Britain.

Peter Msigwa, an opposition legislator claimed that Chairman Mbowe’s security detail had been abruptly removed as the country was battling the Coronavirus pandemic, adding that the attackers cornered him as he was taking the stairs, saying they didn’t want to kill him but to break his limbs so that he couldn’t campaign.

Ubuntu Times couldn’t independently verify the claims.

Fatma Karume, an astute lawyer and vocal critic of the government who served as a president of the Tanganyika Law Society—an umbrella organization for lawyers described violent assaults against members of the opposition as “potent for a violent election.”

Ismail Jussa, a strategist with ACT-Wazalendo Party described the attack as “shocking” adding that “It should be strongly condemned.”

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