The Organization of African First Ladies for Development (OAFLAD) launched the #WeAreEqual Campaign on Wednesday, August 23, 2023, at a banquet ceremony held in Namibia’s capital, Windhoek.
The campaign is aimed at closing the gender gap on the African continent in line with the African Union Agenda 2063, which seeks to eliminate all forms of violence and discrimination against women and girls in order for them to fully enjoy their human rights.
These rights pertain to social, economic and political rights.
Speaking at the event, Madam Monica Geingos, President of the Organization and First Lady of Namibia, stated that forty-five (45) African First Ladies have signed up to the organization, and thirty-seven are currently active.
She stressed that inequality manifests itself in every aspect of society, including health care, education, safety and security, and economic participation, and that future generations will have to deal with the consequences of inequalities that are not addressed today.
“There are so many women graduating out of universities, but the statistics are telling us they are not getting into the workforce, and when they do, they are not getting promoted… We must fix these disparities for the sake of our children and our sake as well,” Geingos said to huge applause from the audience.
She explained, according to the World Economic Forum’s (WEF) report on the gender gap, the world would need 135 years to completely close the gender gap between men and women.
The Vice President of Namibia, Nangolo Mbumba, delivered the keynote address at the event, which was attended by various stakeholders, including the Namibian Ombudsman, the Deputy Minister of Health and the Chinese and American Ambassadors to Namibia.
He noted that the organization, which was launched in Congo Kinshasa in June this year, brings together high-ranking government officials from the continent, the private sector, stakeholders, and partners to advance the interests of women on the African continent.
“Women and men both possess the same inherent dignity and the same rights and have the same potential to build our societies regardless of our gender. With this campaign, we want to bring home an essential truth: WE ARE EQUAL,” Mbumba declared.
The Vice President said that despite this truth, the reality faced by many women in Africa tells a different story, and Namibia is no exception.
He highlighted that no country has achieved gender parity because women and girls experience inequality in agriculture, land ownership, economic opportunities, income, politics, and other areas. He insisted that this impacts economic development. He added that although Namibia is the most gender-equal country in Africa and the eighth-most equal country in the world, more still needs to be done.
The #WeAreEqual Campaign is an initiative by African First Ladies to close the gender gap on the continent by supporting initiatives aimed at empowering women.
BULIISA, Uganda — Baboons wander through shrub-lands that line the sides of newly built roads straddling Uganda’s wildlife reserves close to the shores of oil-rich Lake Albert. Across the border in Congo, magnificent lush green hilly countrysides stand out. If you’re lucky you can catch a glimpse of elephants too. Wildlife is abundant here, but such scenes might be no more in a few years, as oil companies embark on multi-billion projects to pump as much as 6 billion barrels of crude oil from Uganda’s biodiversity-rich Albertine Rift Graben.
Baboons crossing the newly built Hoima-Buliisa road that straddles Bugungu wildlife reserve close to the shores of oil-rich Lake Albert. Credit: Diana Taremwa Karakire / Ubuntu Times
This territory has also been occupied for generations by the indigenous Bagungu people, who tilled the land to cultivate millet and sorghum and gather medicinal herbs and fish on Lake Albert. The Bagungu have over the years used traditional techniques to conserve the lands. From restricting access to sacred areas to designating wildlife sanctuaries, owing in part to a traditional belief that nature and its resources are guarded by spirits.
But planned development of hundreds of oil wells that dot the shores of lake Albert poses new threats to the pristine environment and has come at the expense of indigenous people’s rights. The Bagungu have been uprooted from ancestral grounds and their once revered cultural sites destroyed—including shrines and grazing lands.
Alex Wakitinti the chief custodian removes his shoes at Wandeko sacred natural site in Kasenyi village Buliisa district. Credit: Diana Taremwa Karakire / Ubuntu Times
“We have lost our grazing lands. Our people wish oil had not been discovered in this area,” Alex Wakitinti the chief custodian of sacred sites of the Bagungu, says, pointing at a newly built highway. “We no longer have access to medicinal herbs and sacred trees where we worshiped.”
French oil giant TotalEnergies operates the Tilenga oil project in the remote districts of Buliisa, Hoima, Kikuube, and Nwoya near the ecologically fragile Murchison Falls National Park and the Nile Delta in western Uganda. The project consists of six oil fields and is expected to have 400 wells drilled in 31 locations. It will also house an industrial area, support camps, a central processing facility, and feeder pipelines. The project necessitates the acquisition of 2,901 acres of land across the districts, as well as additional land within the national park.
A map showing the TotalEnergies Tilenga project located near Lake Albert, Western Uganda. Credit: Petroleum Authority Uganda
According to Petroleum Authority Uganda, the process of acquiring land for the Tilenga project is still underway and has displaced 5,523 families. Residents and local officials, however, say that this process has been marred by inadequate and delayed compensation and resettlement.
Three years ago, TotalEnergies, approached Kaliisa Munange, a peasant farmer in kasenyi village, in Buliisa district, near the shores of lake Albert with a proposal. They would take over his 6-acre piece of land for project developments, in exchange for a bigger chunk of land, complete with a house, in a nearby village. With the promise of a better life, Mr. Munange consented to a relocation that he thought would be life-changing.
“When I arrived, I was so disappointed all the promises were empty, yet the company had already taken over my property,” he said, frowning his forehead with anger. “It was very far, there wasn’t a nearby school that my children would attend and the hospital is ten kilometers away. I decided to take them to court but up to now there is no decision.”
A notice board for Tilenga project-related information updates in Kasenyi Village. Locals say these haven’t been effective due to the language barrier. Credit: Diana Taremwa Karakire / Ubuntu Times
Kaliisa’s is not the only case. His plight is shared by thousands of peasants in this lakeside village, which will soon house one of the largest oil processing facilities in Africa. Many have been waiting for compensation for several years since they were ordered not to plant any perennial crops and erect permanent structures on their land.
Fishermen at Wanseko landing site on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa district. Most fishing sites have been cordoned off due to oil developments. Credit: Diana Taremwa Karakire / Ubuntu Times
locals are nostalgic of the good old days when they had a source of livelihood tilling their land and fishing freely from L. Albert. When the land was communally used for grazing, worship, herbal medicines, and building materials.
“Community involvement and participation in the land acquisition process and environment impact assessment processes has been limited,” says Wakitinti “Our people were not involved in the identification of cultural sites and a number of medicinal herbs and trees were not assessed for compensation.”
Total executives deny the allegations insisting that the company is addressing the complaints of the affected people and has even been providing them with supplies, such as food.
The tamarind tree which is one of the sacred trees central to Bagungu worship system, Kasenyi Village, Buliisa district. Custodians say that a number of these trees were not assessed during the social and environmental impact assessments for Tilenga oil project. Credit: Diana Taremwa Karakire / Ubuntu Times
Pauline Macronald, head of the environment biodiversity at TotalEnergies Uganda says that the project is taking measures to ensure the socioeconomic stability of project-affected persons.
“TotalEnergies is committed to developing the Tilenga project while observing human rights standards and International Finance Corporation performance standards,” she said, adding that the company has been in close contact with project-affected people to minimize the projects’ impact on locals.
The constitution of Uganda safeguards property rights and land ownership. It affirms that everyone has a right to possess property and offers strict protection against unfair property deprivation. This states that everyone whose private property or land must be acquired for a public project should get prompt, fair, and reasonable compensation.
The International Finance Corporation Performance Standard 7 aims to guarantee that corporate operations minimize adverse effects and promote respect for indigenous peoples’ cultures, rights, and dignity. A fundamental criterion is the free, prior, and informed permission of indigenous peoples, as well as informed consultation and engagement with them throughout the project development process. The Bagungu, however, contend that these rights and standards have been violated by oil project developers.
“The land acquisition processes for oil projects have been shrouded in secrecy, no transparency. The processes have not been participatory and consultative in nature and any project resistance has resulted in costly formal court proceedings to the indigenes,” says Enoch Bigirwa, the former chairperson of the Bagungu Community Association.
The Bagungu Community Association BACA is a local group championing the rights of Bagungu amidst oil developments in their territory. It exists for the sociology-cultural and economic development of Bagungu. BACA is part of the environmental groups that filed a lawsuit against TotalEnergies in France over human rights violations and environmental harm in its Uganda oil project.
Who are the Bagungu
The Bagungu are an indigenous tribe native to Uganda and totaling around 83,986 according to the 2014 population census. They are mainly found in Buliisa, Hoima, and Masindi districts of western Uganda-Albertaine Graben. They belong to the historical Bunyoro Kingdom led by an Omukama, their King.
A map showing the location of the Bangungu people of Uganda. Credit: Bugungu Heritage and Information Centre
They are agricultural and fishing folk. Bagungu are the guardians and custodians of Lake Albert, a large freshwater lake that is the the source of Albert Nile, a branch of the River Nile that flows through Uganda, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, Burundi, Kenya, and DR Congo.
Oil Developments in Uganda
In 2006, oil and gas reserves were discovered in Uganda’s Albertine Graben.TotalEnergies and China’s CNOOC recently reached a final investment decision to inject $10 billion to kick start oil developments in partnership with the government of Uganda through Uganda National Oil Company which will subsequently lead to production in 2023. Output is expected to peak at 220,000 barrels a day of crude, Uganda consumes around 15,000 barrels a day of crude. Part of the crude oil will be refined to supply the local market while the remainder will be exported through a 1,443km buried East African Crude Oil Pipeline EACOP from Uganda to the Indian Ocean port of Tanga in Tanzania for export to the international market.
Uganda envisions the development of the oil and gas industry will accelerate economic growth, and job creation, improve the general prosperity of Ugandans and catapult the country into middle-income status. Petroleum Authority of Uganda estimates that about 200,000 people will be employed in the oil and gas sector.
However, climate campaigners have been opposing oil developments in the country citing environmental issues, climate change, and community rights violations. As a result, financiers of fossil fuel projects like banks, insurers, and other financial players have been urged to refrain from providing financial support for oil projects.
“Biodiversity is seriously threatened by Total’s oil operations. Government should encourage green economic investments in clean energy. These are inclusive and have the greatest multiplier effects on employment,” said Diana Nabiruma, the communications officer, at Africa Institute for Energy Governance.
This story was produced with the support of Internews’ Earth Journalism Network’s Indigenous Story Grants
A Zimbabwe magistrate in the southern city of Bulawayo, Mark Nzira, on March 15 dismissed an application for discharge at the close of the State case by Ubuntu Times Correspondent Jeffrey Moyo.
The State alleges that Moyo illegally acquired media accreditation cards from the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) for two foreign journalists, Christina Goldbaum and Joao Silva, when they arrived in Bulawayo from South Africa on May 5 before they were deported on May 8.
Moyo is said to have facilitated the media cards despite the applications by Goldbaum and Silva having been turned down by the Ministry of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting Services.
In his ruling, Magistrate Nzira said Moyo must raise a defence as the State has enough evidence against him.
Jeffrey Moyo’s wife, Purity, has offered support to her husband during his prosecution. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo
Moyo was jointly charged with a ZMC employee, Thabang Manhika, who was acquitted last on March 10 by the same magistrate after the State failed to amend the charges and prosecute the two separately.
Kathleen Mpofu, who is representing Moyo, told the media that the magistrate said her client has a case to answer.
“In his findings, it seems the magistrate relied on the fact that the state had led the evidence of the allegedly false accreditation cards that had been obtained by foreign journalists. Based on his interpretation of the evidence led by the state, he found that it was sufficient to put my client to his defence.
“Therefore the ruling of the application for discharge at the close of the state case was dismissed by the magistrate. He found that the state had led enough evidence for Mr. Moyo to be put to defence,” said Mpofu.
The matter was deferred to April 28 for continuation led by prosecutor Avumen Khupe.
KAMPALA, Uganda — The Ugandan government, backed by French and Chinese investors recently announced a final investment decision to kick start the long-delayed development of Uganda’s vast crude oil reserves, opening the way for the East African nation to become an oil exporter. But the planned development of the $10 billion projects, along the shores of Lake Albert, poses new threats in the ecologically sensitive area.
French oil giant TotalEnergies and China National Offshore Oil Corporation say they will start pumping as much as 230,000 barrels-a-day of crude from the region by 2025, which will be shipped for export through a $3.5 billion heated pipeline linking the oil fields along Uganda’s western border with the Democratic Republic of Congo to the Indian Ocean port of Tanga in Tanzania. The 900-mile pipeline will pass through Uganda’s lush green hilly farmlands, vast areas of marshlands, before snaking around Lake Victoria, Africa’s largest freshwater lake.
Fanfare and military parades marked the event to sign the agreements, a firm commitment that the country’s 6.5 billion barrels of crude, discovered more than a decade ago will be commercialized. President Yoweri Museveni and the Vice President of Tanzania Phillip Mpago were among the key figures that witnessed the event.
“It is a masterpiece of a project and will be achieved at low cost and with a low carbon footprint,” said TotalEnergies CEO Patrick Pouyanné, adding that the Ugandan project comes at a time when the world is facing increased demand for fossil fuel.
Patrick Pouyanné, the CEO of TotalEnergies makes remarks at the event to mark the signing of the final investment decision where he said that Total was committed to developing the crude reserves in a sustainable manner. Credit: Petroleum Authority of Uganda
But local and international campaigners remain concerned about the environmental impact of the new fossil fuel projects and their carbon footprint. In particular, activists are concerned about the pipeline’s potential impact on water resources for millions of people in Tanzania and Uganda, vulnerable ecosystems, and the climate crisis.
Days after the signing, an oil production ship exploded off the Nigerian coast of Escravos, Delta State in what is considered to be the nation’s second major environmental disaster in three months. It’s yet another oil disaster that has resulted in huge amounts of toxic oil being released into the ocean, a stark reminder of the reality of risks involved in fossil fuels production.
Major funders for the pipeline project have also continued to pull out. Four out of five of South Africa’s largest lenders recently confirmed that they will not be involved in the financing of the pipeline project.
According to data from the World Bank, Uganda accounts for only 0.01% of the total global carbon emissions while its per capita CO2 emissions are also low at 0.13 tonnes. But, that is expected to change when oil production starts. Experts say, oil transported by the pipeline will emit at least 33 million tonnes of CO2 every year.
But Ugandan officials sought to allay the fears, pleading to safeguard the environment and social protection in the development of the projects.
“This project comes with a very big responsibility on the work of all stakeholders involved in the management and development of the country’s oil and gas sector,” said Jane N.Mulemwa, Board Chairperson of the state energy regulator Petroleum Authority of Uganda.
Uganda’s Minister of Energy and Mineral Development Ruth Nankabirwa Ssentamu claps after the announcement of the final investment decision that will unlock the development of Uganda’s vast crude oil reserves. Credit: Petroleum Authority of Uganda
Local civil society actors have also expressed concern about the gross rights violations meted on local oil projects host communities that oil companies and government have failed to address. Locals complain of being intimidated and threatened by local authorities to accept the inadequate compensation for their land. In 2019 a group of NGOs filed a lawsuit against Total in France over human rights violations and environmental harm in relation to planned oil exploitation in the heart of a protected natural area in Uganda. The organizations accuse Total of failure to adhere to its duty of vigilance “Total’s social responsibility.” The case is still in court.
“Oil Companies should walk the talk and comply with social and environmental safeguards, and international best practices on the path to first oil in 2025,” said James Muhindo, the coordinator of the civil society coalition on oil and gas.
The preliminary work to set the stage for the construction of these projects has progressed. The environment and social impact assessments, as well as the front-end engineering design studies for the Kingfisher, Tilenga projects, and the pipeline, were successfully concluded. All the land required for these projects has been identified and surveyed. The processes of compensation and relocation of the project-affected persons are ongoing. These had stalled for years, amid a litany of disagreements such as tax disputes, funding challenges, and opposition from climate activists.
“This milestone puts us on the path to first oil in 2025,” Uganda’s Minister of Energy and Mineral Development Ruth Nankabirwa Ssentamu said in a speech adding that close to 160,000 jobs are expected to be created during the project’s development.
Cletus Awuni was on his normal rounds on the afternoon of July 1 when the alarming news came his way.
Some soldiers were on the rampage in Wa, the capital of Ghana’s Upper West Region.
They were beating up some residents of the town and putting others in positions of duress after a phone belonging to one of the soldiers had been stolen.
Cletus, the Public Relations of Officer of the region’s Coordinating Council set out to investigate the brutalities and perhaps put a stop to it.
But in a blink, he too became a victim.
“In the course trying to find out why they were brutalizing people, I got myself also assaulted,” he recalled to Ubuntu Times.
When he got to the scene, Cletus had tried to capture the incident on video.
He was in a car with his phone up ready to film the human rights abuses when some of the soldiers turned their attention to him.
“About eight of them pounced on our vehicle and opened the door and tried to pull me out and they beat me up,” he said.
The conduct of the soldiers was a surprise to Cletus.
He said this was the first time he had heard of such an occurrence in his part of the country, which is known to be relatively quiet.
“The relationship between the citizens of the region and military has been very peaceful. In fact, no one has even noticed the presence of the military in the region.”
However, when the rest of Ghana heard the news and saw images of the actions of the soldiers, this was the latest instance of a worrying trend.
The country was already on edge after a more lethal instance of human rights abuses by the military.
The Wa incident followed soldiers opening fire on some protestors two days earlier in Ejura, a town in Ghana’s Ashanti Region.
The protestors were angry over the death of an activist in the area, who is believed to have been murdered because of his criticism of the Akufo-Addo administration.
Six people sustained gunshot wounds, two of whom died having been shot in the back. One of the wounded, a 16-year-old boy, lost a leg.
The subsequent outrage prompted the formation of a commission of inquiry to probe the circumstances that led to the military deployment to a purely civilian matter.
Escalation Of A Worrying Trend
Soldiers in Ghana can be seen responding to distress calls in schools, manning checkpoints, and fighting crime like police officers, among others.
A security consultant, Col. Festus Aboagye, has been one of the voices in the desert long decrying the growing footprint of Ghana’s military in civilian affairs.
“Why bring ourselves to a point where every issue should have the military in front line deployment? It is not appropriate,” he said to Ubuntu Times earlier in the year, when soldiers were again in the news for the wrong reason.
In the case of Ejura, testimony from the commission of inquiry has revealed that there were multiple breaches of protocols and drills meaning the military intervention was unlawful.
This is in addition to clear evidence the soldiers “were not equipped or did not intend to engage in any crowd control,” observed Col. Aboagye.
These incidents remain a major threat to Ghana’s democracy as we know it, he reiterated.
“The democracy that we have is very fragile; just a veneer. It is just on the surface.”
This damaging footprint of the military in civilian affairs has gotten significantly larger in the last 12 months.
No one has answered for the deployment of soldiers into Ghana’s Parliament. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Soldiers deployed to opposition strongholds ahead of the 2020 election were accused of being tools of voter suppression.
They were also used to police the election itself and an attempt to disperse an agitating crowd with live bullets at a polling station led to the death of two persons.
When soldiers are engaged in human rights abuses, there is generally no accountability to the public.
For instance, no attempt has been made to find and sanction the security personnel who opened fire on the crowd at the polling center leading to the two deaths.
“Up till date, not a single person has been held to account or is standing prosecution for their roles in those murders,” Mensah Thompson, the Executive Secretary of Alliance for Social Equity and Public Accountability, stressed to Ubuntu Times.
For him, it is a reminder that there are never any significant outcomes in terms of accountability of security agencies when they abuse power.
Even with the inquiry into the recent actions of the military in Ejura, Thompson feels there is no cause for excitement.
“What we want to see is a more robust attitude towards military brutality,” he said. “The government has been lax and this emboldening military men to engage in more brutalities.”
The lack of robustness has been reflected in the posturing of the committee probing the actions of the military in Ejura.
The committee at times appears unfocused and for people scrutinizing its work, like Col. Aboagye, the committee does not seem well prepared.
“I doubt whether the committee will establish substantive findings,” he added.
The committee has at times appeared more interested in the accounts from victim’s families and some media personnel who had limited knowledge of the events on the ground.
But the military personnel seem to have been treated with kid gloves, having questionable statements go unchallenged.
One of the officers in charge claimed the dead protesters could have been killed by friendly fire from fellow protesters but have presented no evidence to that effect.
This is in contrast to damning footage from the media showing soldiers aiming and firing on fleeing protesters.
Whilst commanding officers were invited to testify before the committee, soldiers who discharged their weapons were not even called to answer for their actions, to Col. Aboagye’s dismay.
“The people who were on the ground, the soldiers, all of them should have been called [especially] the ones who fired,” remarked the consultant.
Growing Partisan Shadow Over The Military
As alarming as the conduct of military personnel has been, fears are that it is only a symptom of the bigger problem; the flooding of security agencies with political party footsoldiers and militia.
In 2019, a law was passed to criminalize the erstwhile practice of political parties forming units sometimes described as militia or vigilante groups.
The governing New Patriotic Party and the opposition National Democratic Congress were the main culprits of what was viewed as a major threat to Ghana’s peace.
At their worst, vigilante groups were seen storming a courtroom to free prisoners or beating up police at the seat of the Presidency.
But since the law was passed, Thompson fears the security services have replaced the vigilante groups.
“Unfortunately, the government did not disband its militia but rather found a way to absorb them into the security agencies,” he noted.
The governing party has a monopoly in this regard since it controls recruitment into security agencies.
This is seen as one of the reasons accountability has been hard to come by, and why the families of victims in Ejura may not see justice.
Beyond Ejura, the list of victims of human rights abuses at the hands of security agencies is likely to grow longer and Thompson warns that partisan strings controlling Ghana’s security agencies must be cut.
“If we want to maintain the peace and order in this country, it is important that we depoliticize our security agencies.”
A court in Zimbabwe has further delayed passing a ruling in a matter in which Ubuntu Times correspondent Jeffrey Moyo is seeking refusal of remand.
The ruling which was expected to be passed between July 22 and July 25 has been indefinitely postponed and the matter remanded to September 10.
Moyo’s lawyer, Doug Coltart, has said the postponement of his client’s ruling is a typical example of how the courts in Zimbabwe deal with politically sensitized matters.
“We are yet to receive the ruling and the matter has been remanded to September 10. We were anticipating the ruling between July 22 and July 25 but the court has not communicated to us what has prompted the delay,” said Coltart.
Government spokesperson Nick Mangwana recently told this publication that Moyo is neither a victim of political persecution nor free expression but should face the law.
A recent report showed that Zimbabwe has dropped two places on the World Press Freedom Index from number 129 to 131.
Billions of investments into mining projects have breathed new life in Uganda’s once-neglected Karamoja region, creating thousands of jobs in mineral-rich heartlands near the Kenyan border but the investment rush has also brought new problems, fueling environmental degradation, rights violations, and land grabbing, threatening livelihoods of millions of indigenous Karamojong people.
Ugandan authorities are investigating the latest deadly clash in the impoverished gold mining sub-county of Rupa Moroto district which happened in late April, that left a 28-year old local defense personnel dead and forced several hundred locals to flee their homes after armed assailants staged a daytime raid and stole gold ores, worth millions of Ugandan shillings. Days earlier, dozens of policemen from Uganda’s mineral protection police who had been deployed to secure the lucrative gold mining village abandoned their positions, due to rising attacks, blamed on assailants, who usually cross from Kenya’s Turkana region.
In a region long inhabited traditionally by cattle-herders, the rush to get the region’s precious minerals gold, limestone, and marble, is uprooting people, damaging key water sources, and stirring social unrest. Locals talk of being displaced from their ancestral farmlands by land grabbers while others are now suffering from many diseases, including skin infections and diarrhea, blamed on consuming water from contaminated water bodies, as some miners use hazardous chemicals including mercury to extract gold.
Impact On The Environment
“We have been invaded by foreigners who don’t care about our livelihoods,” said Anne Napeyo, a 30-year old mother in Rupa. “Many of our people are getting wounds on their skin because the water here is contaminated”
Thousands in Karamoja have taken jobs in the mines while others have become “artisanal diggers” digging their own holes and tunnels, risking cave-ins and other dangers in pursuit of buried treasure, local leaders say. In addition to hazards such as contaminated water bodies, mining activities are leaving behind gaping pits, which now dot vast areas as artisan miners leave these behind in search of new grounds. Small children sometimes drown in these pits, while local farmers have lost livestock.
Sacred grounds known as ‘Akiriket’ are also being destroyed. According to the Karamoja traditional setting, every community is socially organized to have its own Akiriket from where the assemble for social events from initiations to naming happens. Community leaders say the minerals are turning into a curse.
“We want development but it can’t be at the expense of our peoples’ lives and livelihoods,” said Margerate Lomonyang coordinator of Karamoja Women Cultural Group and Karamoja representative on the multi-stakeholder group for the Extractives Industries Transparency initiative EITI. “Investors are taking advantage of desperate people who are trying to make a living in the mines”
Land Grabbing
A total of 17,083 square kilometers of land area in Karamoja is licensed for mineral exploration and extraction activities, according to official data. In 2018, Chinese mining company Sunbelt was given 3.3 square kilometers of land to set up a $13 million marble mining factory in Rupa sub-county. A year later, the company expanded its operations to cover additional 4.1 square kilometers, ostensibly after a deal with local leaders. Hundreds of families have since been pushed out of their ancestral homes, local officials say. Locals accuse Rupa Community development trust, a community trustee group created three years ago, of conniving with investors to steal their land.
“The community leaders came to us with compensation documents saying they were going to help us demand compensation when investors come,” one local known as Lokol, said “They tricked us to sign them without paying anything, now we have nowhere to go.”
While Sunbelt insists that company representatives went through the right channels to acquire the land, including signing a memorandum of understanding with the local leaders, authorities are investigating the transaction, according to the energy and minerals ministry.
“Sunbelt violated the community members’ rights to fair and adequate compensation in the land acquisition process. They didn’t involve the community members who are the real custodians of the land,” said Lomonyang.
Another company DAO Marble Africa Limited, which operates a mining license to mine marble has been accused by Human Rights Watch for rights violations, including allegations that the company connived and paid off a few local chiefs without compensating the local residents.
Land ownership in Karamoja is under customary tenure and communally owned and managed. This means that land is held in trust by one generation for another with the elders as ‘stewards’. This very unclear land ownership model makes fair compensation a difficult issue as few elders negotiate with the companies for the temporary acquisition of land.
Local Miners Association To The Rescue
Karamoja Miners Association unites miners in the region and was formed to sensitize local mining communities about their rights, help locals demand accountability from their leaders, and seek fair compensation from mining companies.
Women engage in mining activities in Karamoja. Poor working conditions and environmental degradation pose health risks for them. Credit: Resource Rights Africa
“We organize miners in groups so that they have a formidable voice and can negotiate for better wages and working conditions from mining companies,” says Simon Nagiro the chairperson of the association. “We have also embarked on interpreting into local languages miners’ rights as enshrined under the mining laws.”
Regions’ Mineral Potential
Karamoja is endowed with a vast array of metallic and industrial minerals that have the potential to be developed commercially. A 2011 survey found that the region contains over 50 minerals including gold, limestone, uranium, marble, graphite, gypsum, iron, wolfram, nickel, copper, cobalt, lithium, and tin. With 61% of Karamoja’s 1.2 million people living in poverty, the region’s mineral potential holds the promise of economic development.
The region is endowed with over 50 different minerals, including marble, limestone, gold, silver, copper, and iron.
26 companies currently have exploratory or mining rights in the region.
The sector comprises both large-scale and artisanal and small-scale miners.
The Constitution of Uganda 1995, vests all mineral resources in the hands of government but article 244 provides that minerals shall be exploited taking into account the interests of landowners and local governments and further states that land will not be deprived of a person without prompt payment of fair and adequate compensation. Under articles 39 and 41, every Ugandan has a right to a clean and healthy environment and as such can bring an action for any pollution or improper disposal of wastes.
The Mining Act, 2003 is the principal law that governs mining in Uganda. Under Section 4 of the act, a person may acquire the right to search for and mine any mineral by acquiring a license issued by the commissioner. Section 15 provides for payment of compensation to owners of private land for damage done to the surface of the land or to any crops, trees, buildings, or for livestock injured or killed by the negligence of the holder of the license or an agent. Section 43 provides that a mining license shall not be granted unless the proposed mining program takes into proper account environmental impact assessment and safety factors.
Section 110 further makes it mandatory for every license holder to submit a costed environmental restoration plan which requires approval by the National Environment Management Authority. The Act however does not clearly address the regulation of mining activities by different government agencies and how they can follow up with the investors regarding royalties. This is worsened by the limited role local government plays in the regulation of mining activities due to resource constraints.
Rights Of Indigenous Groups In Uganda
According to Minority rights group international, Karamojong pastoralists, are some of the most marginalized minorities in Uganda, isolated economically and politically. Commonly stereotyped by their compatriots as violent and backward, other Ugandans refer to them as warriors. The African Commission’s International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs also recognizes the Karamojong people as indigenous minority groups in Uganda. However, Uganda does not officially recognize Indigenous minority groups. This lack of formal recognition by the state further disenfranchises Karamojong.
Uganda is a signatory to various international instruments that reiterate the rights of indigenous people. These include; the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous People 2007, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. However, the country is still lagging behind in terms of protecting the rights of indigenous people.
A Karamojong woman digs a hole as she mines for gold in Rupa-sub-county. Such holes dot the area and have become death traps for both children and livestock. Credit: Diana Taremwa Karakire
“We are empowering communities by educating them about their land and property rights so that they are able to hold mining companies accountable,” says Abaho Herbert a program officer at Resource Rights Africa a local charity organization operating in the region. “We also work with local leaders to put in place by-laws that enable fair wages for miners to avoid being exploited by the mining companies”
Since Belgium-based Africa gold refinery set up a $20 million gold plant in Uganda, the country has become a magnet for gold mining activities, notably in Karamoja. Gold exports fetch $1 billion every year and have overtaken coffee as Uganda’s leading export commodity.
For many local leaders, this rush is the reason for increased insecurity, displacement of locals, and inter-communal clashes. Gold miners are routinely attacked by assailants looking for the highly sought-after metal, bringing back memories of the insecurity that plagued the region at the height of cattle rustling in the 1990s and 2000s. Illegal miners continue to flock to the 7 districts of Karamoja, driving up displacements, clashes over land ownership and shared water bodies.
Food insecurity is also a challenge in the region and reliance on natural resources has rendered livelihoods sensitive to climate change, already a reality manifested inform of recurring droughts, flash floods, and prolonged dry spells.
In June 2021, Uganda’s cabinet approved a draft mining law (Mining and minerals Bill 2019) that imposes steep penalties for violations in the sector, including fines of 1 billion shillings ($278,164.12) and prison terms of up to seven years for those found guilty of environmental degradation, illegal mining among other violations.
The new law will replace the old mining legislation that has been in place since 2003, when the region hadn’t discovered vast minerals, according to Vicent Kedi the commissioner licensing at the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development.
“The new law will solve issues of non-compliance by mining companies to social and environmental safeguards, ” he says. “We are working with local leaders in the region to continuously monitor mining company operations.
This story was produced with the support of Internews’ Earth Journalism Network’s Indigenous Story Grants
Written by George Orwell in 1949, 1984 detailed the imperative of resisting oppression and tyranny, offering great insight into a twisted and very cruel future if nations are allowed to fall to the rule of totalitarianism.
The book helped put in proper perspective, how totalitarian regimes attempt to control our thoughts and lives through surveillance and by seizing control of the mass media, most times, violently. In this brilliantly articulated piece of work, we see a “party” that deploys enormous resources into eliminating dissent to the extent of establishing edicts that criminalize holding anti-government thoughts and opinions. Do these methods sound familiar to you? If so, then I welcome you dear reader to 1984
In an event described as the “Nigerian Drama” by The New York Times in 1984, the regime of Buhari, violating human rights and international laws, staged a kidnap of a former Minister of Transport, Umaru Dikko, after he was ambushed at his London base. This is the same junta that had just overthrown an elected government of Shagari under whom Dikko served as Minister.
Biafra agitator, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. Credit: MNK
Fast forward to 2021, close to four decades after, the same serial law offender staged a similar attack on Human Rights and International laws in the abduction of the IPOB leader and British Citizen, Nnamdi Kanu, in Kenya. This is after he returned in 2015 in a disguised democratic toga.
Shortly after the abduction of Kanu, barely 24 hours to a July 3rd protest declared by Yoruba secessionist group, the regime sent in masked DSS operatives after the Yoruba secessionist agitator and leader, Sunday Igboho, stormed his Ibadan residence at the dead of the night like armed assassins, arrested thirteen persons and in a public statement released by its PRO, Peter Afunnaya, boasted to have extra-judicially murdered two of Igboho’s allies.
On the day of the protest, however, the regime deployed combined forces of the police and military. The security forces shot violently and sporadically against the peaceful agitators and protesters, killing Jumoke, a 14-year-old female trader.
It should be recalled that as far back as 2015, there have been renewed calls for the secession of the Igbo people from Nigeria by the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB. The secession campaigns attained a threshold of popularity upon the arrest of Nnamdi Kanu on the 20th of October, 2015. And as the agitation grew bigger and larger, no thanks to increasing insecurity and socio-economic injustice in the country that has pauperized millions of Nigerians and made the country totally unsafe for habitation. This is also complicated by the manner in which the government protects and funds terrorists and bandits while deploying enormous resources into hunting, arresting, and killing protesters and all who maintain dissent against the regime.
But the secessionists were not the only group or persons to fall victim to the tyranny and brazen human rights violations of the Buhari regime. Recall that on August 3rd, 2019, at about 1 AM, Omoyele Sowore, leading investigative journalist and revolutionary activist was abducted in the middle of the night by masked men of the DSS who stormed his Lagos temporary residence like assassins.
For calling a RevolutionNow Protest against misgovernance and crass incompetence of the regime, Sowore spent five months in unjust detention after the regime violated two court orders for his release. Worst still, the regime in desperation to rearrest Sowore after it reluctantly obeyed the order to release the latter on bail, the DSS stormed the courtroom, violating the sanctity of the court right in front of the presiding judge who had to escape the violent scene instigated by the gun-wielding DSS operatives. The regime created an unfathomable precedent of judicial impunity when it turned Justice Ijeoma’s court into a war zone.
There is also El-Zakzaky whom the regime continues to hold hostage despite court orders that have mandated it to release him on bail. Aside from murdering his children extrajudicially, the regime has murdered scores of his followers for asking the government to comply with court orders granting bail to the Sheik.
The regime for the past six years of administration had equally devoted time to arresting, intimidating, and harassing journalists. According to media reports, no less than eight journalists have been killed on duty under the regime with over 500 falling victims to harassment, intimidation, torture, and unjust detentions. Today, it has become a norm to see journalists who have come to cover protests dressed in bulletproofs as though covering a war zone. No doubt, the regime had turned protest grounds into a theatre of war.
When the regime appeared not to be satisfied with simply attacking and gagging the press, it went straight for the social media, prescribing death by hanging for “hate speech’’; a deliberate attempt to gag Nigerians and violate their constitutional right to free speech. The regime did not want a free press, it frowned against citizen’s right to free speech and protests. It does not want Nigerians to protest offline and also against them expressing their frustrations on social media, especially Twitter. It was this gross hostility to free speech that forced the regime into banning over 200 million Nigerians from using Twitter.
No regime in history, military and civilian, has treated the judiciary and the rule of law with such disdain and brazen impunity. No regime in the history of the country has been so hostile to its citizens without any modicum of regard for their lives or constitutional rights. No regime in history had ever treated the press and the Nigerian people with so much hate and utter contempt.
The only regime that ever measured close to Buhari’s despotism is the military junta of 1984; the only Junta to have ever dethroned an elected government. Buhari’s capacity for lawlessness and impunity is second to none, such that only Buhari could have surpassed the record of his own lawlessness over three decades after.
Buhari may not only be classified as a despot with the unique ability to harness the powers of Nigeria’s systemic impunity to muster a social, political, and economic siege against the Nigerian people, he is the only Nigerian leader fit to be described as a serial law offender, ever to occupy Nigeria’s political space.
Several weeks back, Muhammadu Buhari in an Arise TV interview on the 11th of June, 2021, twenty-four hours before the commemoration of Democracy day, described an entire region in the country as “dot in a circle’’. This was days after he threatened to deal with the members of IPOB “in the language they understand’’. Instinctively and quite commendably, the Nigerian tweeps mobilized to report such wicked, unconscionable and thoughtless tweet that threatens genocide against a section of a country and a deliberate attempt to torment our memories with the ugly and horrific development of the Nigerian civil war; an event that has left unforgettable memories of sorrow, tears, and blood.
This is a government that rarely speaks to terrorists and bandits in the language they understand. On the contrary, it has continued to romance and reward them handsomely in ransoms, overseas scholarships, and social empowerment. But a government that begged bandits and terrorists with CBN loans a month before is shamelessly threatening genocide against a group of people agitating for self-determination and disdainfully described an entire region as “dot in a circle’’; a fascist statement that captures an intention and justification for genocide.
As is the character of Dictators, the regime reacted by suspending the use of Twitter in Nigeria. In order to massage its ego and desperate urge for impunity, the regime was willing to murder and completely bury the rights of its two hundred million citizens to social media rights, the same way it had consistently attacked all rights.
When it couldn’t achieve this with Twitter ban thanks to a generation that is not only defiant but also far above the regime’s backwardness, the government began seeking ways to negotiate with Twitter by using as a bargaining chip, millions of Nigerians who now have to rely on VPN to tweet. In the end, it was the Nigerian people that ended up suspending the regime from Twitter.
Although the “dot in the circle” statement as used by Buhari may have rightfully suggested a threat against agitation for self-determination, it also connotes a much deeper phenomenon upon paying close attention to the President’s interview, the disposition of the regime to other forms of rights and its general approach to governance.
What we see is a regime that has subjected free speech to persistent attacks, handled protests with utmost disdain and government critics have been treated far worse than terrorists. Everyone, groups, and ordinary Nigerians who oppose the regime’s anti-people policies have become victims of violent repression, incarceration and in some instances, extrajudicially murdered as in the case of endSARS and countless Shiite protesters whom the regime continues to kill like games.
The President in the Arise TV interview could not disguise his grudge and immense hatred for Nigerians, especially young people. You could see a President that was embittered when he said, “endSARS” protesters wanted to remove him. He made this statement as if to justify the Lekki massacre and the violent crackdown on the endSARS protest. Hence, the “dot in the circle” statement falls into a general pattern of a regime that has always handled dissent with state violence and is overtly hostile to democratic rights.
If anyone is still in doubt of the tribe Buhari’s ideology refers to as “dot in a circle”, then we need also to pay attention to how the government shot at protesters on democracy day, twenty-four hours after the Arise TV interview. The government on democracy day officially described Nigerians as terrorists by unleashing the counter-terrorism unit against protesters, who in turn, fired repeatedly at our Ojota protest ground.
Under Buhari’s regime, the “dot” people are the most endangered tribe in the entire country. They are the tribe whose social-economic, constitutional, and political rights are subjected to relentless attacks.
These are the tribes that were murdered in cold blood on October 20, 2020. This tribe is consistently murdered through overwhelming poverty, insecurity, lack of access to healthcare, housing, clean water, and basic welfare. This tribe does not only constitute a category of people demanding rights to self-determination, nor does it consist only of those being persecuted, arrested, shot at, brutalized, killed for fighting for socio-economic and political rights, the “dot” nation comprises also of all who are victims of government failings. This is the tribe of the 99% that has been subjected to years of neoliberal siege by a system of greed and power.
The Buhari administration has no doubt shown that it is hostile to all forms of rights. This is why it is important for the “dot” nation, organized across the length and breadth of the country, to unite in a struggle to put a permanent end to this regime of death and destruction.
Tens of thousands of people are missing out on free essential healthcare services in the restive English-speaking North West Region of Cameroon as the government maintains a suspension on the activities of medical aid group Médecins Sans Frontières/Doctors Without Border (MSF) in the region.
Authorities had in December 2020 forcefully halted the work of MSF on claims that the charity was colluding with armed separatist fighters seeking to secede from Cameroon and create their own state named ‘Ambazonia’. MSF has repeatedly denied the accusation and says it stands by its charter which requires the provision of healthcare without discrimination or heed to political or religious affiliations.
Despite MSF’s denial of wrongdoing and the necessity of healthcare provision, the government has yet to lift the ban six months after. People continue to live in limbo in a region where the government itself recently acknowledged that 30 percent of health facilities were no longer functional due to the drawn-out conflict.
MSF has now called on the government of Cameroon to allow it to resume operations and provide much-need medical and humanitarian relief to people in distress. Authorities have officially not responded to the request.
According to Emmanuel Lampaert, MSF Operations Coordinator for Central Africa, it is unacceptable that people who have fled violence into blushes are denied vital medical services for six months and counting. “This decision represents a substantial blow to medical and humanitarian access.”
Since 2018 when Doctors Without Borders started its intervention in the conflict-plagued English-speaking regions of Cameroon, it has treated patients for rape, physical and psychological torture, burns and gunshots. MSF teams have also largely handled patients in need of medical assistance for childbirth, malaria or diarrhea. Last year alone, the charity attended to 150,000 people in troubled regions.
“As we speak, our community health workers see people die and suffer because of the lack of treatment available in villages and displaced communities, and our ambulance call center continues to receive emergency requests, which they are forced to decline. What rationale can justify these unnecessary deaths?” Lampaert bemoaned.
Recent recurrent battles between government troops and increasingly bold armed separatists have exacerbated insecurity. This, coupled with Monday ghost towns, curfews, occasional lockdowns and the targeting of health facilities, have gravely disrupted access to healthcare. Economic hardship brought about by the drawn-out conflict has made it difficult for people to be able to transport themselves to health facilities or even pay for treatment. Many hospitals have suffered arson attacks or have been repurposed into military bases.
Yenfui Delphine, a young mother based in Bamenda, told Ubuntu Times she is one of those who feel the pinch of the absence of MSF. While making allusion to her son who felt seriously sick two months ago, Yenfui said MSF teams used to be there for people who had emergencies but lacked a means of transportation and money. “Without them, it is very risky getting a sick one by motorcycle [the only option available] to the nearby health facility on a ghost town day,” she said.
In 2020, MSF teams in the North West Region treated 180 survivors of sexual violence; 1,725 mental health consultations were provided; 3,272 surgeries were performed; 4,407 patients were referred by ambulance, of which more than 1,000 were women in labor; 42,578 consultations were provided by community health volunteers, mostly for malaria, diarrhea and respiratory tract infections.
Lampaert said MSF staff, volunteers and patients have regularly faced threats and violence from both state and non-state armed groups, with very little respect shown for the humanitarian principles of impartiality and neutrality. “Our ambulances have been fired on and stolen, community health workers have faced sexual assault and murder, armed men have opened fire inside medical facilities, and our colleagues have faced death threats. Despite these extremely difficult situations, our staff kept on providing care to people in need, day after day.”
Since 2017, Cameroon’s two English-speaking regions have been ravaged by a bloody socio-political conflict. Low-level protests erupted in 2016 against decades of marginalization of the minority Anglophones by the Francophone-dominated government of long-serving President Paul Biya. The government responded with force and pushed many to the extreme, triggering an unending war.
To date, it is estimated that over 5,000 civilians, soldiers and separatist fighters have been killed, while no fewer than three million others are affected by the conflict. The war has internally displaced 712,800, according to OCHA and the UN refugee agency – United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has registered 66,718 people who have crossed over the border to Nigeria as refugees.
The lawyer representing Ubuntu Times’ Zimbabwe correspondent Jeffrey Moyo, 37, says the State is “acting in an unjust way” after it issued an arrest warrant for his client on Thursday, June 24 without a legal basis.
Douglas Coltart said the arrest warrant, which was later canceled, is part of the State’s mechanisms to frustrate court proceedings before his client made an application for refusal of remand.
“We have been denied the right to make this application (refusal of remand) in the court and the magistrate insisted that we file the written submissions. The court issued an arrest warrant against my client without any legal basis because we were in court on time. We had to prove through paper trail that my client is not a flight risk and that we were in court on time.
“This shows the State, in this case, is acting in an unjust way,” said Coltart.
Moyo’s case is being heard in a Bulawayo court, about 450km southwest of the capital Harare, where he stays with his family. He is currently out of custody on ZW$5,000 (US$59) bail and denies allegations that he facilitated procurement of media accreditation cards for two foreign journalists without following due procedure.
Jeffrey Moyo, left, and his lawyer Douglas Coltart. Coltart says the State is not acting in good faith when dealing with his client’s case. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times
According to Coltart, the State is yet to respond to his client’s court application for refusal of remand.
Zimbabwe’s government spokesperson Nick Mangwana told Ubuntu Times that Moyo is facing the consequences of contravening the country’s laws abusing journalistic freedoms.
Mangwana said Zimbabwe, despite being ranked 130 on the World Press Freedom index, enjoys cordial relations with both local and international media institutions and “Moyo’s arrest had nothing to do with media or press freedom.”
“As a government, we are doing well and not worried. We have good relations with media institutions, local and international. If the crime Jeffrey Moyo is alleged to have committed was committed by a medical doctor, that doctor was going to face similar fate. If that doctor was arrested, people should not say Zimbabwe is against medical doctors.
“There is nothing about press freedom in this case in which Moyo is charged,” he told Ubuntu Times.
Mangwana also indicated that government has not hindered or banned journalists from practicing in Zimbabwe “because there is a regulator (ZMC) who in my view has not banned anyone from practicing journalism.”
“We have an example of journalists who wrote stories that led to the resignation of a whole vice-president here in Zimbabwe and no one was been penalized for that. That is press freedom people want and they have it. But Jeffrey Moyo’s case is a different one. He committed a criminal offense by abusing his journalistic freedoms,” added Mangwana.
Moyo is set to return to court on July 8 for routine remand.
A Zimbabwe magistrates’ court in the city of Bulawayo on Monday, May 31 threw out a bail application by Mr. Jeffrey Moyo, a correspondent for Ubuntu Times, citing that he is a “flight risk.”
Allegations against Mr. Moyo by the state are that he contravened the country’s Immigration Act by “fraudulently or misrepresenting in facilitating the entry of foreigners in the country” without due procedure.
Prosecutor Mr. Thompson Hove told the court Mr. Moyo assisted two foreign journalists to illegally enter the country and facilitated their press cards after the duo had been denied such by the Information Ministry.
In her ruling, magistrate Rachel Mukanga said Mr. Moyo is facing serious charges that could see him serve a ten-year prison sentence if convicted.
Mr. Moyo’s lawyer said he is “urgently” appealing the ruling at the High Court though the process might take “a week or even longer” to be heard.
“We certainly felt that Jeff was a very good candidate for bail. We hoped that justice would be done, but we have feelings that this is not unusual especially in the magistrates’ court where good candidates are denied bail in these politicized cases,” said Mr. Douglas Coltart.
Mr. Coltart said he is still waiting for the magistrates’ record though he has made a request.
He added: “As soon as we get necessary copies for us to file the appeal we will do so. By law, it (getting magistrates’ record) is meant to be on an urgent basis because all bail matters are urgent. But sometimes the record can take a week or even longer than that and once we file our appeal it will have to be set down by the high court.”
Ubuntu Times journalist who was arrested Wednesday on allegations of contravening the country’s immigration laws and allegedly facilitating the accreditation of two foreign journalists without due procedure is being kept under inhumane conditions, his lawyer has said.
Mr. Jeffrey Moyo, 37, is alleged to have misrepresented in the facilitation of accreditation for New York Times journalists Christina Goldbaum and João Silva who arrived in the country on May 5 but were later deported. Mr. Moyo appeared in a Bulawayo court for bail application on May 28 but was remanded in custody for ruling set for Monday, May 31.
His lawyer Mr. Douglas Coltart said the State in its submissions raised numerous grounds in their opposition to Moyo’s freedom saying the “issue is a national security threat.”
Mr. Coltart said the grounds of the State’s opposition to his client’s freedom are not based in law but “it appears to demonstrate the politicization of this case and interference of the Information Ministry in the functioning of an independent commission.”
He said Mr. Moyo is “mentally strong.”
“Jeff is doing good but the conditions of his detention are absolutely horrific and inhumane. When he was detained at Bulawayo Central police station, they took away some of his warm clothes and was sleeping on the floor, and yet we are in winter but nevertheless, he is mentally strong,” said Coltart.
The Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) president Mr. Michael Chideme said his union is “following court proceedings and will offer a statement after speaking to Mr. Moyo.” The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Zimbabwe Chapter director Mr. Thabani Moyo said they are “trying to understand the matter.”
Spokesperson of the Young Journalists Association (YOJA) Mr. Leopold Munhende said as young media practitioners operating in Zimbabwe they “are really worried about Jeff Moyo at the present moment.”
“We are viewing this as an attack on the media. It has been happening over the years, it is not new of course. We now hear they took some of his clothes in this winter. The lawyers are being clear he did nothing. They are saying it is not his responsibility to accredit journalists but that of the ZMC.
Mr. Munhende said as young journalists they “fear that one day this could happen to us if the state wants.”
On March 9, 2015, Sheffra said unidentified men outside the barbershop in the vicinity of the couple’s home in Harare, the Zimbabwean capital, seized her then 35-year-old husband accusing him of livestock theft before bundling him into one of their unmarked vehicles and sped off.
Since then, Itai’s whereabouts have remained a mystery.
“My message today is we will not forget Itai and we pray that we get answers and we hope the government of Zimbabwe will help us to find him or to find the abductors,” said Sheffra.
A journalist by profession and founder of a pro-democracy movement called Occupy Africa Unity Square that campaigned for the resignation of former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, Itai had become a thorn in the flesh of the country’s ruling party, the Zimbabwe Africa National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF).
Days before his abduction, Itai had urged thousands of people at a rally organized by the late Movement for Democratic Change party leader Morgan Tsvangirai, to topple Mugabe.
Robbed of her husband, with her two children — a 13-year-old boy and an eight-year-old girl, she (Sheffra), said ‘the children know what happened, so we just pray for him to come back to us one day.’
“Life without him is hard. It’s hard to live for six years without knowing where (Itai) he is or what happened to him, especially when l look at our two young kids; it’s hard.”
“My boy and girl can’t wait to see their dad. They talk about him most of the time, saying that when dad comes, we will run to meet and embrace him,” Sheffra told Ubuntu Times.
Itai’s brother, Paddy Dzamara, said ‘my message is directed to those who took Itai and also to Mr. ED Mnangagwa (the President) to provide us with closure of his whereabouts.’
“Itai’s abduction and disappearance has been hard for the family and we all miss him. His children Nokutenda and Nenyasha always ask about his whereabouts and when he will come back to them,” Paddy told Ubuntu Times.
Gladys Hlatshwayo, the opposition MDC Alliance secretary for external affairs, said ‘we remember the courageous Itai Dzamara who was abducted on this day six years ago.’
“He is still unaccounted for to this day. Sadly, his brother Patson Dzamara passed away before he could get answers,” said Hlatshwayo.
Dar es Salaam — Widespread economic doldrums and the rising wave of moral decay have forced an unprecedented number of female journalists into the trap of sexual bribery where they exchange sex for job offers.
According to the research, titled Sexual Harassment Among Women Journalists in Media Houses conducted by Tanzania Media Women Association(TAMWA)—a local charity working to protect women’s rights, the root causes include poor pay, professional incompetency which force women journalists to offer sexual bribery to secure their jobs, ethical misconduct, immoral behavior, lack of professionalism and abuse of office.
Moral Trade-off
The report, seen by Ubuntu Times found women in the media experienced sextortion a form of non-monetary bribes by senior editors and managers which exposed them to moral compromise to exchange sex for employment.
Widespread Phenomenon
Sextortion—a form of corruption that employs non-physical forms of coercion to extort sexual favors from a victim, is a serious problem in Tanzania.
People entrusted with power in organizations such as editors or educators often abuse authority to suit their sexual fantasies.
The survey which was conducted in Dar es Salaam suggests, 48% of the respondents faced sexual discrimination at work, while 52% refused to comment on the matter which is a crime according to Tanzania laws.
Culture Of Shame
A culture of shame widely embraced by society has made it increasingly hard for victims to come forward, according to women’s rights groups.
Speaking to reporters in Dar es Salaam two weeks ago TAMWA’s Monitoring and Evaluation Coordinator, John Ambrose said the survey involved freelancers, journalists with short-term contracts, and trainee reporters.
The research, which involved senior editors, media managers, journalism colleges, and non-governmental organizations, revealed some incompetent female journalists often lure their bosses for sex to get favors, and in other cases, editors force trainee reporters into sexual affairs.
“Most female journalists are incompetent but since they still want to retain their jobs, so they’ve to seduce their bosses to protect their jobs,” the survey finds.
Inappropriate Relations
The findings further say the problem is largely fuelled by trainee reporters since most of them are often jostling to establish inappropriate relations with senior editors in the hope to get employed upon completion of their studies.
“Most female reporters find themselves caught up in sexual trap whenever they want to enter in a radio or TV studio,” the survey says.
Rose Reuben, TAMWA’s Executive Director, however, said sexual bribery does not only affect female reporters but also male journalists who find themselves entangled in a dangerous moral trade-off.
“Many female journalists experience this problem but they don’t think it’s cause for concern, I ask them to raise their voice against this social malady,” she said.
Researchers have recommended the enactment of a clear-cut gender policy that explicitly spells out sexual corruption as a violation of human rights.
According to her the policy on sexual bribery in newsrooms and frequent reminders should help in resolving the problem.
As part of efforts to fight sexual harassment at work, Tanzania’s Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB), recently launched a special campaign to raise awareness about the dangers of sexual corruption.
Under the banner of “kataa rushwa ya ngono,” Swahili meaning, “reject sexual corruption,” trained officials were scheduled to educate people on how to avoid the social malady.
A Criminal Offense
While sexual bribery is criminalized in Tanzania, campaigners say the law is too weak to deter perpetrators who often pay fines and walk scot-free.
Section 25 of Tanzania’s anti-corruption law of 2007 states: “Anybody being in the position of power or authority, who in the exercise of his authority, demands or imposes sexual favours, or any other favours on any person as a condition for giving employment, a promotion, a right, a privilege, or any other preferential treatment, commits an offence and shall be liable, on conviction, to a fine of not exceeding five million shillings or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years or both.”
In Tanzania, where nearly nine in every 10 women have experienced sexual harassment, activists say awareness campaigns against it can potentially raise the momentum to curb it.
A group of women gather on a synthetic lawn one Sunday in Labone, a suburb of Accra.
Clad in sports gear, they pick up little tricks from an instructor to defend themselves from attackers who may be twice their size.
Despite the roundhouse and elbow strikes being taught, the surface goal of the class was simple – give yourself a chance to run.
With a society that stacks the odds against women, there are few options better than running for women faced with the threat of sexual and gender-based violence.
The idea of self-defense classes in Accra is rare, so the quirkily named The Boring Talkative support group saw an opportunity to add another layer to its advocacy with this move to empower women who are justified in their fears.
Just how hostile is Ghanaian society towards women?
This is a question that at times prompts comparisons to horrific accounts of violence against women in notorious countries like South Africa or India.
Some have called this a subtle form of gaslighting that ignores an insidious problem that prompted the various forms of advocacy from The Boring Talkative.
Farida Yusif, the founder of the Boring Talkative, wanted to create a safe space for women with her group, especially women victims of physical and sexual abuse, and make sure they were heard.
“We are constantly faced with threats of someone trying to attack us,” she said to Ubuntu Times after a second meeting of the class back in 2020.
By the strict definition, one could set a watch by the kinds of sexual violence women and girls in Ghana face daily.
Unwanted sexual comments or physical contact all count as sexual violence. The former is rampant online.
Incidents of sexual and gender-based violence are grossly underreported and the police is not able to effectively investigate cases.
In a lot of instances, some victims are even priced out of justice.
As at 2019, doctors were charging 300 to 800 cedis ($51 to $137) to fill out police medical forms for rape victims and 1,000 to 2,000 cedis ($171 to $343) for medical opinions in legal processes.
Idrissa Hamdiya, a school teacher in Accra, was one of the participants in the self-defense class and she is very aware of these threats to women and the role they play in propping each other up.
For her helping survivors of sexual violence isn’t just about coping with trauma.
“Statistics show that for most people who have been raped once, the probability is high that they are going to get raped again,” she notes.
“When we talk about ladies who go through sexual harassment and all that, first we have to help them heal emotionally and we also have to teach them to defend themselves.”
The women are constantly reminded by their instructor that the goal is to create an opportunity to run. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Idrissa seemed impressed with her experience in the class and wished more women had such an opportunity.
She, like some of the women in the self-defense class, was mindful of their privileged position.
They didn’t need reminding that they were but a drop in the bucket of a larger fight.
Ghanaian society needs a new awareness of the threat posed to women if it is to get safer, stresses Farida.
She says her ultimate goal is “to educate people and reorient our society and help us unlearn certain attitudes that oppress women.”
On the other side of Accra in Haatso, Doreen Raheena Sulleyman, a journalist and women’s advocate, was nursing her second of two daughters, having recently delivered.
She is worried about the Ghana she will have to bring up her daughter in and is especially vexed by the casual grooming of children, some barely old enough for pre-school.
Doreen recalled to Ubuntu Times she once had cause to dress down a male shop keeper who spoke inappropriately to her daughter.
This is a pathway to sexual abuse she is hyper-aware of and one she will never indulge.
“Those things agitate me. They get on my nerves easily,” she says.
With her journalism, she has tried to highlight the issue of gender violence both on and offline.
She has found that state institutions like the Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit have not only done little by way of enforcement but not offered much support to reporters striving for in-depth coverage.
For example, there doesn’t appear to be any recent organized data on gender-based violence according to suggestions from a police source to Ubuntu Times.
“It would be most disappointing if that were the case,” the source said with worry.
Recently in Ghana’s Parliament, the Minority leader also complained that relevant committees had not been privy to any crime data since 2016.
The most visible data on sexual violence available appears to be from a UK-funded report commissioned by Ghana’s Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection.
The commitment of Ghana’s Ministry for Gender to protecting women has been questioned by critics. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
It showed that 30 percent of women (older than 15) experienced sexual violence at least once over their lifetime.
Doreen also works outside of mainstream media because support for her passion is lacking from the architecture of established media organizations.
She also questions the ethics of mainstream media in reporting on sexual and gender-based violence.
This hasn’t gone unnoticed by observers.
A 2018 research article by BMC Women’s Health came to the conclusion that media framing of violence against women was in Ghana “episodic in nature” and normally reported without wider social context.
The article also raised concerns with the victim-blaming language that was largely used in the news articles.
It is common to see news reports that recklessly put out the identities of victims of gender-based violence.
Doreen on the other hand says she once went as far as preparing a Non-Disclosure Agreement for victims of sexual violence she once interviewed for a story.
“They didn’t request for it but I just wanted them to feel safe, to feel secure, to feel okay to pour everything out,” she says.
Like The Boring Talkative, she too believes ultimate safety for women will come when Ghanaian society unlearns the norms that foment a hostile environment for women.
For this to happen, the state will have to take charge with shaping narratives, she says.
Private media may be popular but it seldom commits to issues like gender-based violence unless there is a sensational angle.
“If it is not bringing them [private media] money, they will not worry themselves about it,” Doreen remarks.
That leaves the state which owes its women a safer society, she insists.
And this will come about through better education – education that is so far non-existent.
“The Social Welfare Department is there. The Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit is there and I don’t even know what they are doing,” Doreen says with frustration.
She further ropes in Ghana’s National Commission for Civic Education and Ministry for Gender, Children and Social Protection in this regard.
In as much as she distrusts the press’ handling of matters of gender-based violence, people outside metropolitan areas really only have broadcast media as their main source of information.
And the state media is best positioned to cast the widest net given its obvious reach and influence outside metropolitan areas.
“Whatever they hear from the news they believe it so they rely on the media for so many things,” reminds Doreen.
“Why can’t the Ministry of Gender set up a TV channel specifically for education on sexual violence? They can get people to educate in numerous languages being spoken across Ghana.”
Issues bordering on sexual conduct have never been mainstream in Ghana and as things stand, no conversations on sexual and gender-based violence in public schools or even churches and Doreen says this needs to change.
She tries to do her bit when she can.
“The culture of silence has a huge impact on us. Me, I try as much as possible to talk to my age mates who have children and other women,” she says.
“When it comes to issues of gender-based violence, I am not shy about me. It invigorates me.”
Beryl Darkwa, a fellow coordinator of the Boring Talkative’s activities also believes the buck stops with the state.
“For us to see proper change; for us to feel the change we are hoping for, the state must help. The state must step in,” she says.
“Like it or not, sexual and gender-based violence is also a Ghanaian problem. It is not just a Ghanaian women’s problem.”
Farida (L) and Beryl (R) encourage the women to open up about some unpleasant experiences. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
In the meantime, as we wait for some significant change, women like Farida, Beryl and Doreen want to encourage victims to speak out more.
“We should be able to normalize talking about the trauma that happens to us because if we don’t do it, more people get away with these things,” Beryl says.
With the lack of support from the state, the only allies women probably have are themselves.
Though Beryl feels shared fears and traumas connect women, it is also a “sisterhood” that gives her hope.
“Even though they are individual traumas. It is something every other woman can relate to. So it is important that women band together.”
On a rainy day in Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, prison officers armed with AK47s are monitoring prisoners disembarking from a prison van at Harare magistrates court.
A few prisoners have leg cuffs which are often used for prisoners with grave crimes such as serial armed robberies and those who are a flight risk.
One of these prisoners is familiar to Zimbabweans, especially in opposition politics circles.
His name is Job Sikhala, the MDC Alliance vice-chairperson who was arrested on allegations of communicating falsehoods.
Sikhala was arrested on the 9th of January 2021 at the same court when he had come to offer legal assistance to investigative journalist Hopewell Chin’ono who had been arrested a day before and charged with communicating falsehoods.
Just like Sikhala and Chin’ono, on the 11th of January MDC Alliance spokesperson Fadzayi Mahere was also arrested on the same charges.
Mahere was freed on bail, on Monday the 18th of January 2021
Chin’ono was also freed on bail on the 27th of January 2021 while Sikhala was released on bail on the 1st of February this year.
The trio are accused of using their Twitter handles to spread false information. They allegedly spread falsehoods that a child was killed by a police officer during skirmishes with illegal minibus drivers in Harare’s central business district on the 5th of January 2021.
The post by the three followed a video, which was circulated on social media by many users, shows a mother manhandling a cop asking why he had beaten up his child who was hanging helplessly in her arms.
The child allegedly died.
MDC Alliance spokesperson Fadzayi Mahere was also arrested for communicating falsehoods, a law that was declared unconstitutional by Chief Justice Luke Malaba back in 2014. Credit: Ruvimbo Muchenje
However, the Zimbabwe Republic Police spokesperson Assistant Commissioner Paul Nyathi denied the claims.
“The child is not dead as alleged on social media and this has been confirmed by medical personnel who are now in touch with the police and parents,” he said.
The law under which the trio were arrested was outlawed by the Constitutional Court led by Chief Justice Luke Malaba back in 2014.
In his ruling, Malaba said, “government is prohibited from appointing itself as a monitor of truth for people.”
This is the third time that Chin’ono has been arrested in a period of six months.
He spent 45 days in remand prison on charges of inciting people to commit violence and another 17 days on charges of obstructing the course of justice.
Media Institute of Southern Africa-Zimbabwe Chapter official Nqaba Matshazi told Ubuntu Times that it was quite strange that people were still being arrested for publishing falsehoods in the 21st century.
“Publishing falsehoods is an effective tool in a dictators’ tool box. It is easy for dictators to use such laws to descend on political opponents,” he said.
Matshazi said there is no need to criminalize publication of falsehoods.
“When a journalist lies. It is the journalist who loses his or her credibility. There is no need to criminalize the offense. There is a norm of retracting and issuing apologies,” he said.
This is the third time that investigative journalist Hopewell Chin’ono is being arrested in a period of six months. Credit: Ruvimbo Muchenje
Media Alliance of Zimbabwe programs manager Nigel Nyamutumbu said arresting citizens on account of peddling falsehoods is unsustainable and amounts to criminalization of freedom of expression, and by extension journalism.
“Government should walk the talk in respect of reforms and be consistent on the same. It is an act of hypocrisy to, one hand purport to be repealing draconian laws such as [Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act] AIPPA during the day, while at night resuscitating dead laws as a means of targeting political opponents, muzzling journalists, criminalizing expression and crushing dissent,” he said.
In a related case, Harare mayor Jacob Mafume had been languishing in prison since 2020 after he was arrested on allegations of tampering with a witness in another case involving abuse of office for which he was already out on bail.
Mafume was released on bail on the 15th of January after his lawyers had several times unsuccessfully requested he be granted bail so that he can get treatment at a health facility of his choice as he was ill.
The list of people arrested in the past months for inciting violence is cumulative.
University of Zimbabwe student Allan Moyo (23) is also in prison after getting arrested on the 7th of December 2020 and charged with inciting people to revolt against Mnangagwa’s government.
Moyo has been denied bail several times.
In a statement, MDC Alliance deputy spokesperson Clifford Hlatywayo said his party strongly condemned the continued abuse of justice institutions through the arrests of Mahere, Mafume, Chin’ono, Moyo and other wrongly convicted prisoners that include Last Maingehama and Tungamirirai Madzokere.
He said the government is abusing State institutions by continuously persecuting opposition leaders and human rights defenders.
“The arrest pertaining to non-existing crimes represents dictatorial rule, severe abuse of power and an attack on the rule of law. Persecution through prosecution reflects authoritarian consolidation rather than democratization,” he said.
There have been allegations of judiciary capture in Zimbabwe with Mnangagwa himself allegedly calling the shots from his office.
In October 2020, judges wrote a letter to Mnangagwa and the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission, claiming that the judiciary was under siege and judges were captured thereby unable to independently execute their duties without interference from the executive and State agencies.
“What is repeated in the public domain and on social media about the capture of the judiciary is no longer fiction or perception, it is in fact reality. It is an open secret that right across the judicial structure, the Chief Justice now rules without a fetter,” reads part of the letter.
“Where magistrates used to be subject to administrative supervision by their superiors, it is now an open secret that the Chief Justice now routinely interferes with magistrates and their decisions through the Chief Magistrates’ office.”
Human rights defender Musa Kika told Ubuntu Times that the arrests simply provided the latest evidence in what has become a clear pattern of manipulating the judicial system to silence and eliminate dissent.
“Chin’ono, Mahere and Sikhala are perceived leaders in dissent, and their arrest is meant to dissuade others from speaking ill against the regime,” he said.
Kika said as the norm the goal is never to convict them but to punish them through prolonged pre-trial incarceration and the harassment they endure in the process.
Even some people who are publicly perceived to be supporters of Mnangagwa are beginning to be critical of his administration.
In a statement, media mogul and member of Mnangagwa’s advisory council Trevor Ncube said the attack on Chin’ono’s rights to freedom of expression limits the rights of citizens to know what is going on in Zimbabwe.
He said the response of the State should be to set the record straight, not to arrest or harass those who express themselves freely.
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania — Barely a day after the U.S Department of State imposed visa restrictions on unspecified number of Tanzanian officials it accused of subverting the electoral process, Tanzanian government has demanded clarifications on the basis of the imposed bans since the country’s electoral laws allows aggrieved parties to seek legal redress whenever they feel dissatisfied by the results.
Semistocles Kaijage, the Chairman of Tanzania’s National Electoral Commission (NEC) told reporters that there’s nothing unusual about the Visa restrictions although the U.S Department of State did not categorically state the motives for the alleged bans.
“The basis for imposing sanctions is what matters. Those who have imposed restrictions should substantiate their claims that the election process was breached because their statement is too general and not concrete,” said Kaijage.
Visa Restrictions
The U.S Department of State said last week it was imposing visa restrictions on unnamed Tanzanian officials it accused of undermining democracy and gross violation of human rights during the last year’s general elections.
According to the statement, such officials subverted the electoral process thereby continuing, what it called ‘the downward trajectory of the country’s democracy.’
The statement cites reports from independent election observers, highlighting widespread irregularities and alleged human rights abuses, violations, before, during and after elections in which opposition candidates were reportedly routinely disqualified, harassed and arrested.
Tanzania government, however, dismissed the allegations, insisting that the opinion that the election was sabotaged needed detailed explanations.
Resounding Victory
President John Magufuli, won a resounding election victory with 84% of the votes, followed by his main opposition challenger, who garnered 13% of the vote.
Lissu who returned to Tanzania last year after a three-year exile in Belgium where he was recovering from 16 bullet wounds sustained in an assassination attempt rejected the results.
Violence And Intimidation
However, the basis of the U.S Department of State’s action emanated from widespread voting irregularities, internet disruptions, intimidation of journalists and violence by security forces that marred the election process.
According to the U.S Department of State, leaders of Tanzania’s civil society groups are still threatened and some opposition leaders have been forced to flee the country fearing for their safety.
“We urge the government of Tanzania to reverse course and hold accountable those responsible for the flawed election, violence, and intimidation,” said the statement.
According to the statement, the U.S will continue to closely follow developments in Tanzania, and will not hesitate to take action against individuals complicit in undermining democracy and violating human rights.
“Finally, we emphasize that today’s actions are not directed at the Tanzanian people.
“We commend Tanzanians who participated in the election peacefully and in good faith, and we will work together with all those committed to advancing democracy, human rights and mutual prosperity,” the statement concludes.
Lissu, who in December called for sanctions, asset freezes and travel bans against officials behind rights violations described the move by the U.S government as a warning to dictators.
“The U.S has sent a clear and unmistakable warning to those who stole the elections in Tanzania and Uganda. No impunity for your violent and fraudulent actions and there’s more to come.”
Robert Amstardam, Lissu’s International Lawyer who played an instrumental role to guarantee his safety during the elections said restriction against Tanzania’s regime sends strong signals, thus “corrupt officials” won’t be sending their children abroad for studies.
“I congratulate this important decision by secretary (former) Pompeo and the State Department leadership to bring accountability to Tanzania. We hope that this may be the first penalty of many more to come,” he tweeted.
Immediately after the announcement of the 2007 presidential election results in Kenya, all hell broke loose across the country as neighbors turned against each other, divided along tribal lines as they defended their political inclinations.
Mary (not her real name), was living in an estate next to a slum in Nairobi when her neighbor’s friend came to her home and purported to be looking for his friend before taking advantage of the situation to pounce on and rape her.
“We fought for quite some time but eventually he overpowered me and that is when he succeeded in violating me,” she narrates.
Traumatized, Mary could not go to the hospital nor police station to report the matter as it was also unsafe for her with the violence that had just broken out. When she finally did, two days later, the officer on duty at the nearby police station put her off.
“He told me to go away as there were more serious matters to deal with at that moment,” Mary says.
The then 40-year-old mother of four had just lost her husband and her fourth-born child was hardly a year old. A few weeks later, she discovered that she had gotten pregnant from the rape. And like many other women who were victims of rape during this period, she never wanted to have the baby; she contemplated abortion and failed three times.
“I then went to the Children Services department and registered to give away the child. But in my delivery room, the nurse on duty was not aware that I was not supposed to even see the child and after I delivered, she put her next to me. When I woke up, I kid you not; I heard the sweetest sound of a child on earth! That is when I embraced, loved and protected her jealously up to now,” she says.
Her daughter is now twelve and Mary says that she’s a very adorable child who according to her is a piece of work, as she is a girl scout, a football captain, and a music leader; a wonderful, beautiful little girl.
Two years later, Mary met the man responsible for the atrocity and says that she froze. “I met him once on the road and he just looked down and walked away. He knew I had a child from the rape. That is when I realized that I had been punishing myself by hating on someone who might not even be aware of what scar he had left in my life. I decided to forgive myself and embrace my life,” she says.
Cases of sexual and gender-based violence are still rampant in Kenya, and even more with the containment measures imposed by the government to curb the spread of COVID-19. A UN situational report from October this year pointed out that 23.6 percent of Kenyans have witnessed or heard cases of domestic violence in their communities since the introduction of COVID-19 containment measures.
After post-election violence, there was hope that the government would come in and ensure the protection of the rights of sexual and gender-based violence survivors are recognized and protected, and also so that they can get meaningful reparation.
A front view of the Milimani Law Courts in Nairobi. Judge Weldon Korir delivered the ruling awarding sexual violence victims on December 10th at this court. Credit: Dominic Kirui / Ubuntu Times
In what human rights activists have termed a landmark ruling, the High Court of Kenya, on 10th December, ruled in favor of four of the eight survivors who were backed by several human rights groups.
The four women were awarded 4 million Kenyan Shillings (about $36,596) each in damages. The four, according to the High Court were either violated by police officers and the GSU personnel or had reported the incidents and to the police, got registered in the police records and the police didn’t do anything.
In his judgment, High Court Judge Weldon Korir said that the Kenyan government had failed to conduct “independent and effective investigations and prosecutions” of sexual violence during the period within which there was unrest in the country after the election results were announced.
Naitore Nyamu, a human rights advocate and head of Physicians for Human Rights’ Kenya office (one of the four institutional petitioners in the case) says that as institutional petitioners who supported the survivors go through the petition, they did not agree with that part of the court decision.
“The criteria used by the court to award the four survivors was that three of the individual petitioners had been violated by state agents (meaning the police or GSU officers), and one had registered her case with the police and no action was taken. This does not make all the other cases right,” says Naitore.
However, these were not the only survivors of sexual violence during the skirmishes. Official records from government-supported reports indicated that 900 Kenyans, both male, and female, had suffered sexual violence during the post-election violence period.
Mary says that even though her case did not see the light of day after being thrown out by the police officer when she went to report, the ruling in which her fellow victims were compensated meant a lot for the country in the future. “This will at least ensure that our efforts to have the victim’s voices heard have not been in vain,” she says.
For Naitore, the length of time that it has taken to get justice for these victims is a case of justice delayed and therefore denied.
“When such a weighty case takes long in court, it is justice denied for these survivors. However, it’s a very important case coming from a domestic national court. It’s a landmark case as it is the first of its kind whereby the state is being held to account on sexual and gender-based violations at the national level,” she says.
The Yewa North Patriotic Forum has expressed its preparedness to take to the streets over a recent attack on residents by a joint patrol of the Nigerian Customs and Army. The unfortunate incident which occurred on the 22nd of December, 2020 led to the death of one Olushola Samuel Ashamu with many others sustaining severe injuries.
Late Olushola Samuel Ashamu is yet another victim of extrajudicial killings and widespread impunity in Nigeria. Credit: Witnesses
In an interview with the Leader of the Forum, Omobolaji Oluwafisayomi Sanni, the Customs officers did not only seize the seven buses carrying goods, but they also brutalized the owners of the goods, shot randomly at people, causing the death of Olushola Samuel Ashamu, an innocent bystander. According to Comrade Sanni, the violence unleashed against the community on the said date started with the inability of the owners of the goods to raise the amount of bribes demanded by the officers. Sequel to this, the officers comprising of the military and customs seized the seven buses filled with goods, shot at people sporadically as they advanced with the goods, and subsequently proceeded to Ayetoro market, where they brutalized and shot at more people. Comrade Sanni said this is not the first time violence of this nature will be unleased against residents of the community by customs officers stationed at this community.
Woman sustained wounds from sporadic gunshots and invasion of Ayetoro Market by government security forces. Credit: WitnessesInjured man assisted by a group of people after sporadic gunshots and invasion of Ayetoro Market by government security forces. Credit: Witnesses
The Forum in a statement called for the immediate intervention of the government to; ban the joint patrol of Army and Customs within their respective border towns, set up panels of inquiry to look into the horrific event of December 22, remove all Road Blocks erected by men of Nigeria Customs Service in towns and villages that are not 20km to the border. The statement also called for justice for victims of the dastardly event and the family of the slain victim.
The trending successful military coups in West Africa today indicate the continuation of political processes and leadership by another method. Their executions have been...
Needless to say, the 2023 elections happened amid overwhelming disillusionment with the system and popular discontent with the major establishment political parties—the ruling All...
The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is arguably the African Union’s (AU) biggest project since the launch of the continent’s Agenda 2063 in...
There are intense political and intellectual debates unfolding in Africa. Since February 24 last year, when war broke out in Europe following Russia’s special...
A packed FNB stadium with over one hundred thousand supporters demonstrated the mass appeal of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) amongst South African voters...
The Organization of African First Ladies for Development (OAFLAD) launched the #WeAreEqual Campaign on Wednesday, August 23, 2023, at a banquet ceremony held in...
An incident involving a thirteen-year-old girl child at the Crowthorne Christian Academy in South Africa led to the schools' closure and the re-sparking of...
To most academics, intellectuals, and pragmatists advocating for a genuine Pan-African renaissance six decades after the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU,...
The Western liberal consensus has long been intervening and interfering in Africa. The first form of intervention was through the slave trade from the...
