Friday, May 17, 2024

Land

South Africa’s Violence Shows It Is Just Another African Country

The South African government on July 14 confirmed it was deploying 25,000 troops in its two provinces, KwaZulu Natal and Gauteng, after police failed to quell violence and looting following the incarceration of former president Jacob Zuma on July 7.

KwaZulu-Natal is Zuma’s province of origin, home of the Zulu people, South Africa’s largest ethnic group. Protests had erupted after the ex-leader handed himself over to police to serve a 15-month jail term for contempt of court.

Zuma, 79, defied a constitutional court order to give evidence at an inquiry investigating high-level corruption during his nine years in office until 2018.

When South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa addressed the nation on July 11 on new COVID-19 regulations, he condemned the protests as “acts of violence based on ethnic mobilization.”

Zulu nation prime minister prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi slammed President Ramaphosa for his “defamatory remarks about Zulu people.”

“I don’t understand what is meant by ethnic mobilization. It’s not about Zulu people against other people, even in the case where they mobilized support for our former president Zuma. Mr. Ace Magashule is not a Zulu and the leaders of Mpumalanga who came here to support Zuma were not necessarily Zulu. This has nothing to do with Zulus, so I don’t know what is meant by ethnic mobilization in what is happening now,” Buthelezi said.

By July 12, South Africa’s currency (the rand) tumbled against major currencies as the riots sprung up, disrupting public transport services and forcing businesses to close. The currency dropped by as much as 2% against the United States dollar. More than 200 shopping malls had been looted by mid-Monday afternoon and the economy lost an estimated US$3.4 billion dollars, according to the Gauteng Premier. Over 150,000 jobs have been placed at risk by the protests.

On July 16 over 2,100 arrests had been made and the death toll stood at 337 with many people trampled to death during looting at stores, while the police and the military fired stun grenades and rubber bullets to try to halt the unrest.

Black Poverty Is Not An Accident

The protests in South Africa are most likely a result of the deep-seated grievances that have not been resolved since the end of apartheid in 1994 like poverty and inequality. While the incarceration of Jacob Zuma has been cited as the turning point to the protests, the lack of ownership of the means of production among blacks is also an attribute to the chaos.

At the time of the end of apartheid in 1994, more than 80% of the land was in the hands of the white minority. According to the Institute of Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies,  suggestions are that just under 60,000 white-owned farms accounted for about 70% of the total area of the country in the early 1990s. The country’s land reform program has been slow with some indications that less than 10 percent of the total land has been redistributed from white to black ownership since 1994.

When former president Zuma left office in 2018, unemployment was at 27 percent and he emphasized that his party’s incoming government embark on what he termed “radical economic transformation” to address the economic imbalances created during apartheid. Under President Ramaphosa, the overall unemployment rate has risen to 33 percent, with 46 percent of those unemployed being below the age of 35.

As a result, white people continue to be more skilled than their black counterparts and also they attain higher education levels. Therefore, they are likely to attain higher positions in the job market, and on average, earning higher wages. The crisis in South Africa can therefore be understood as the white population’s extensive control over the country’s economy.

South Africa-based political analyst Rutendo Matinyarare said the anger shown by the protestors is symptomatic of the failure of the political economy in addressing the needs of the black majority.

“The violence goes beyond the Jacob Zuma arrest. The Zuma case was just a spark for the anger of people that includes lack of transformation from apartheid, the maintenance of an apartheid economy that is exclusionary in that it excludes black people from participation. The fact that black people have been left in the very exact position they were during apartheid where they had no factors of production, no land to put their own houses, no land to produce food, and the only way they had to survive was to work for capital,” said Matinyarare.

On July 16 President Ramaphosa visited KwaZulu-Natal province where almost 155 people were killed during the protests and acknowledged that the violence was “planned”.

Matinyarare also indicated that South Africa’s three-year recession and the lockdown imposed accentuated the looting and at the moment is difficult to come up with the total cost of damage incurred during the chaos.

“It is difficult to come up with a total cost of the losses incurred but the cost of violence is that there are deaths that have been reported. It has cost the nations unity. There are now divisions along racial lines. This is now set to create a big rift between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ who are the whites and blacks, respectively. A few blacks have been co-opted into the system, but when you look at it their wealth is not a result of legacy but debt because black people never had the opportunity to create wealth. It is just a bandage being put on a rotten wound,” added Matinyarare.

The South African government needs to do more to address widening inequality, rampant unemployment and deliver on the promises of development for all and not just a few. It needs to prove its detractors wrong – that its pursuit of what it terms “radical economic transformation” fulfills the promise of addressing the country’s skewed economic ownership patterns.

Zimbabwe’s Government Spokesman Seizes Farm From Resettled Farmers

Chegutu, Zimbabwe — Nick Mangwana, Government spokesman in Zimbabwe has moved in to evict resettled black farmers in order to take over the farm in Chegutu, a Zimbabwean farming town in the country’s Mashonaland West Province about 100 kilometers west of the capital Harare.

In fact, on March 21, the Southern African nation’s information tsar stormed the farm with a gun which one of his victims at the farm said was deliberately exposed in a bid to scare him.

Now, Mangwana has enlisted the services of his brother Paul’s law firm to quicken the eviction of 70 families resettled on the farm he grabbed from the black resettled farmers.

Paul Mangwana is the governing Zimbabwe Africa National Union Patriotic-Front’s secretary for legal affairs.

Over two decades ago, Zimbabwe embarked upon chaotic land seizures of white-owned farms, leaving more than 4000 commercial white farmers displaced from their land.

The indigenous farmers at the farm grabbed by Mangwana said they occupied the land during the time the government spokesman was in the diaspora during the reign of former President Robert Mugabe.

But Mangwana, who says he was allocated 102 hectares of the sprawling 2,000-hectare farm last November, showed up with an offer letter in January this year ordering the villagers, who settled on the farm six years ago, to “harvest their crops and leave.”

As such, his lawyers from Mangwana & Partners Legal Practitioners have served the resettled farmers with a five-day-notice to tear down their homes and vacate Thorndike Farm seized by Mangwana.

“Our client is intent on fully utilizing the farm in accordance with his offer letter, but cannot attend to the same on account of your unlawful occupation and utilization of the farm without his consent and or authority,” an eviction letter from Mangwana’s attorneys read.

“We are, therefore, instructed to demand as we hereby do that you vacate our client’s land within five days of receipt of this demand.”

“You are further required to take down structures you have erected and remove any and all your belongings thereon,” the lawyers added.

But the villagers on the farm grabbed by Mangwana have dared to challenge him, saying they occupied the farm when Mangwana was still based in the United Kingdom and applied for formalized settlement between 2014 and 2016.

However, the villagers said their applications have not been granted yet nor have they been rejected.

The 2000-hectare farm was once owned by late resettled farmer Gilford Rukawo who had signed up for a voluntary farm downsizing scheme which saw him retain about 800 hectares, leaving the remainder with the other villagers who have faced the boot from Mangwana.

Former Government Minister Jailed In Zimbabwe

Gweru, September 22 — Former Provincial Minister for Midlands Province in Zimbabwe was this Tuesday sentenced to four years in jail following accusations of criminal abuse of office, this after he parceled out State land to desperate home seekers in Gokwe, one of the towns in the province.

A day prior to the sentence, Mr. Machaya and his accomplice, former Midlands physical planner Chisayinyerwa Chibururu were found guilty of abuse of office involving the sale of state land in Gokwe.

Sentencing the former Midlands Minister alongside his accomplice, Magistrate Charity Maphosa handed the two four-year jail term each, however suspending 18 months for each on condition that the pair does not commit a similar offense in two years.

The two would therefore serve 30 months in jail.

Machaya faced charges of parceling out 17,799 residential and commercial stands to land developers, with the developers, in turn, handing the former Midlands Minister 1,791 stands of which the accused sold 1,185.

But last year when his trial commenced in Gweru, the Midlands Provincial capital, Machaya and his accomplice denied the charges.

Mr. Machaya also faces charges of unlawfully parceling out 192 residential pieces of land to the Apostolic Christian Church of Zimbabwe (ACCZ).

Machaya and Chibururu’s defense lawyer Alec Muchadehama has however filed for his clients’ bail pending appeal against the sentences handed down by the magistrate.

Indigenous communities in Tanzania map own land to deter foreign grabbers

MANYARA, TANZANIA — As you trek down a rocky terrain dotted with thorny shrubs, that form a rosette of gray-green leaves with sharp spines on the tips, you can have a rare glimpse of ancient bushmen preying on antelopes and collect wild fruits.

The Hadzabe

One of Africa’s remaining hunters-gatherers whose way of life is increasingly threatened by modernity live in a tangled jungle stretching on a wide expanse of land.

Armed with rudimentary bows and arrows, the Hadzabe, who live at Yaeda valley in Tanzania’s northern Manyara region, still live by hunting and gathering.

Equipped with a vast knowledge of plants and animals, the tribesmen have for years lived in harmony.

However, due to increasing human activities, their idyllic balance with nature is rapidly waning—thus forcing them to struggle to eke out a living.

Across Africa, developing countries are increasingly perceived as potential areas for large scale agricultural investments. Foreign companies often, take advantage of legal loopholes to take swathes of village land for investment purposes.

Communal farming.
A group of women farmers working in the field in Manyara. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times

As one of the developing countries, Tanzania has as such, attracted huge interest among foreign firms. In some cases, companies directly negotiate with village leaders to take collectively-owned land.

However, with the help from local charities and respective district authorities, indigenous groups and marginalized farming communities are now using innovative approaches to secure their land.

From Manyara in the north to Pawaga in the south to Kiteto in the east, indigenous communities, whose rights have for long been trampled on by powerful encroachers are being assisted to develop land-use planning and village by-laws to protect their land.

Through lobbying, advocacy, and participatory land-use planning, Ujamaa Community Resources Team (UCRT) — a local advocacy group, seeking to empower and uphold communities’ land rights, has secured 20,000 hectares of land for the Hadzabe.

“We have developed a land-use plan, and village by-laws with the aim to protect their way of life,” says Edward Loure, a land rights activist and founder of UCRT.

The advocacy group is working to map and secure 970,000 hectares of communal land in northern Tanzania to deter grabbers.

Foreign investment.
A large scale maize farmer in Mbulu, an example of investments on village land. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times

While local communities and indigenous people collectively control more than half of the world’s land, they own about 10 percent legally, and less of it is registered and titled according to a study published in 2018 by World Resources Institute.

In Sub-Sahara Africa, the challenge is more pronounced as ethnic groups such as the Maasai, known for their distinctive nomadic lifestyle, are particularly vulnerable to land grabbing.

In the Longido district in the northern Arusha region, UCRT has also secured a huge chunk of communal land for the Maasai, recognized by their distended earlobes, colorful beads, and dazzling red shawls. They have been issued with a document called Customary Rights of Occupancy.

“This is a very important document, it recognize them as the rightful owners of the land,” says Loure.

According to him, the move has helped to ease recurring conflicts with rival groups.

Back in Yaeda, although the Hadzabe are resilient and quick to adapt to new situation, their livelihood is facing multiple challenges as their hunting grounds are being encroached on by powerful outsiders.

Measurements.
A local water engineer takes measurements at a site where a foreign investor is setting up a dam for irrigation. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times

“I am very happy because we have a strong protection of our land,” says Loreiy Juma, a bushman.

As people, companies, and governments are jostling for natural resources, the customary tenure agreements that used to protect rural land rights are often being undermined, and communities across Tanzania are losing swathes of unregistered land to foreign firms, land rights campaigners say.

At Vilabwa village, Kisarawe district in Tanzania’s coast region local residents who use collectively-owned land for farming, woke up to a grim reality as corrupt village leaders in 2014, allegedly tried to allocate 1,500 hectares of the village land to YellowBiofuel, a Mauritius based company, that had expressed interest to grow energy crops.

As she cleared grass on her field to prepare for sowing, 58-year-old Hidaya Bulembo recalls six years ago, when, she saw some people erecting concrete slabs on the edge of her farm without consulting the villagers.

“I knew something fishy going on. When I alerted other villagers we knew that a portion of our village land was about to be grabbed by the investor without following due process,” she says.

Instead, the villagers went to Vilabwa’s Village Land and Adjudication Committee (VLAC), a local body that helps landowners demarcate their boundaries and mediates land conflicts.

Armed with relevant information, the villagers registered their land with the government. The deal flopped and they fully regained it. But a growing number of communities are taking a stand and formalizing their land rights.

“When the village land is documented, it brings a sense of security,” said Ali Khamis Mnyaa, chairman of the Vilabwa VLAC.

SKIRTING THE LAW

Although 80 percent of Tanzania’s population work in agriculture, only a quarter of the country’s 44 million hectares of arable land are being used, according to government figures.

All land in Tanzania is the property of the state. Under the Land Act, which covers about 30 percent of the land in the country, the government can grant someone the right to occupy a piece of land for up to 99 years.

The rest of Tanzania’s land falls under the Village Land Act, which recognizes customary tenure and allows communities to allocate and use land in accordance with tradition. Any transfer of land rights under customary tenure requires the approval of the entire community.

Companies looking to buy land in the country are required by law to go through the Tanzania Investment Centre (TIC), an independent government agency.

In order to protect communities’ rights, even the transfer of village land must be approved by the government and the process has to involve all members of the village, said Geoffrey Mwambe, TIC Executive Director.

But land rights advocates say companies often try to skirt the law, bypassing the TIC and colluding with local village leaders directly.

Vilabwa residents say when YellowBiofuel first failed to get hold of the land it wanted, company officials tried to convince village leaders to sell to them by promising to build new schools and health clinics.

While village leaders generally welcome investors and the potential benefits they bring including jobs, improved infrastructure, and investments in health and education systems, companies often fail to deliver once the sale is agreed, said Emmanuel Sulle from the Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies, a research institute in South Africa.

“Evidence indicates that during the implementation of large-scale investments, the rights of rural communities over land and natural resources are not respected,” he said.

YellowBiofuel did not respond to email sent to them.

COMPLEX AND CORRUPT

In its 2018 report titled ‘The Scramble for Land Rights,’ the World Resources Institute noted that as demand for food, fuel, and other natural resources grows, there is increasing competition for land.

Communities are rushing to secure legal documentation of their land rights before companies take it from under them, the report said.

But the land registration process in Tanzania is often cumbersome and often riddled with corruption and inefficiency according to Transparency International’s 2013 Global Corruption Barometer.

Although rural communities including farmers and pastoralists have for decades used swathes of land for growing crops and for keeping animals, most do not have any documented evidence to prove it belongs to them.

Without enough tenure or security, farmers are not only less likely to invest in their land but also become vulnerable to powerful outsiders who are believed to collude with corrupt village leaders to seize property.

To help them navigate the system, rural communities are teaming up with non-profit organizations focused on promoting rural land rights. Together, they mark out village and farm boundaries and formalize land-planning use. They use that information to apply for CCROs which, if granted, gives the villagers formal powers over the use of their land.

For Bulembo, the farmer in Vilabwa, the biggest benefit of getting one of those certificates is finally feeling that her land and her livelihood are safe.

“I feel confident because I know, going forward, nobody will ever try to take part of this land for his own selfish interests,” she said.

Lack of official documentation that proves ownership means that the rights of these indigenous people are oftentimes trampled on. Today indigenous groups have lost more than 150,000 hectares of rangelands in northern parts of Tanzania. As supply of available land in Tanzania dwindles, huge pressure is being exerted on areas controlled by the Maasai and the Hadzabe, thus triggering recurring conflicts with outsiders.

With a special dispensation in Tanzania’s Village Land Act of 1999, indigenous groups are actively being supported by local NGOs to have their community land rights recognized.
The NGOs including UCRT, have been actively involved in mapping the boundaries of communally-owned land and drawing up land-use planning.

Social investment.
A local agriculture expert Dickson Elia explains a point on better ways of growing maize at Ilula districts. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times

Although the country’s laws governing land acquisition indicate that companies should obtain land through Tanzania Investment Center (TIC) — a government agency tasked with investment promotions, local land experts say, there were cases where private companies negotiated directly with village leaders and finance village land use planning processes.
In cases where land transfers are facilitated by TIC, observers say the government often use archaic compensation standards, where original users, whose land appears to be within identified investment areas are unable to negotiate compensation offers.

While village leaders often welcome investors who come with mouth-watering promises such as providing employment, build infrastructures, health, education, and support for community projects, investors allegedly do not always fulfill such promises.

Considerable discrepancies between the national policy on local land use planning and the situation on the ground, create ambiguities that are prone to exploitation.

Sule said although Tanzania government backs the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, it has not yet sufficiently recognized and protected those rights in the country.

According to him, the resource rights, including land, of the indigenous people are at risk from incursions from farmers, herders due to surging demand for land entangled by historical and contemporary large-scale alienations for economic development, biodiversity conservation and the changing climate.

Despite those policy huddles, Sulle said the government, through the Ministry of Land and Human Settlements Development has expressed great interest in working with local non-governmental organization to secure the land belonging to indigenous groups.

LAND REGISTRATION

Local villagers and poor individuals often shoulder a huge burden when trying to obtain various documents and approvals in order to secure a certificate of village land and customary right of occupancy respectively.

“The process often stretches the limited resources allocated to districts, which have large backlogs of pending land applications,” Sulle stressed.

Determining village boundaries in resource-rich communities with valuable forests and other natural resources is often a recipe for disputes between villages with conflicting or inconsistent oral histories and customary land boundary markers requiring resolution.

Communal farming.
A group of women farmers working in the field in Manyara. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times

“These disputes can be challenging to resolve because they require significant time and monetary investments,” he said.

Such disputes often cause major delays for respective authorities to attempting to confirm survey maps from villages, thus further delay the formalization process.

In many cases villages or individuals use their limited funds to follow up and pay for the necessary costs to speed up their land formalization process.

“Communities have either received little compensation for their land allocated to investors most of them have either left such lands undeveloped or sold to new investors, and or have failed to fulfill their promises such as job creation and provision of social services most of which are unwritten,” Sulle said.

While formalization of the village land is key for securing community land, experts say it can expose communities to a complex set of dynamics including external agendas by powerful actors including the state, NGO’s and investors.

For example, in places where village lands are formalized to facilitate natural resources, such as establishing wildlife management area or large scale investment in agriculture, the interests of powerful actors are often prioritized against those of the local communities.

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